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Personal and Geographical Names 

the Gupta Inscriptions 




First Published 1978 

Tej Ram Sharma 1976 

Tej Ram Sharma (b. 1941- ) 

Published by 

Naurang Rai 

Concept Publishing Company 

65-F, Anand Nagar 

DELHI-1 10035 (India) 

Printed by 

Malik Composing Agency 
at Mayur Press 
G.T. Karnal Road 
DELHI-1 10033 (India) 





'What is there in a name?' There is definitely much more in 
a name than may appear to be the case on a superficial survey. 
Names may appear to be quite casual, so much so that the 
man bearing them has hardly any say in the matter. We find 
some people adopting new names or adding aliases. In many 
cases the name does not have any equation with the personal 
qualities of the man concerned. The titles assumed by a 
man may reflect something of his inner personality, his 
ambitions, and his emotional complexes; the epithets bes- 
towed by others, if not created by greedy flatterers, reveal 
his assessment in the eyes of others. Whereas the surnames 
may often depend on the accident of birth in a given family or 
a social group, the personal names are labelled long before 
any of the recognisable attributes begin to emerge. The story 
of names would have assumed a highly romantic colour if the 
names had been assumed by people and had not been thrust 
upon them. 

The names may not reveal the man, but they do provide 
penetrating peeps into his family, his society and his times. The 
name-patterns have a vital connexion with the social realities 
and cultural values of the group to which they belong. There is 
a distinct individuality in them and they reflect in a microscopic 
miniature the traditions and values of the people concerned. 
Poeple do not take to names in as casual a manner as they are 
sometimes taken to do. Of all-the people the Indians seem to 
show a much serious concern for the question of names and to 
have set down definite rules governing their formation. These 
rules are not mere grammatical ones to cover the linguistic 
forms of the names. There are prescriptive norms and prohibi- 
tive rules in accordance with the socio-cultural traditions and the 
advancements made in various fields of knowledge. Not many 


nations of antiquity can claim a parallel progress in this area 
of culture. These elaborate rules did not result merely from 
the typically Indian genius for systematisation and elaboration 
of its fund of knowledge in all spheres. It arose out of a cons- 
cious appreciation of the significance of names and their great 
relevance for the cultural traditions. The rules about names 
prescribed in the grammatical works and the Grhyasutras and 
the Smrtis were elaborated in subsequent times and led to the 
composition of separate treatises on various aspects and 
problems connected with the giving of names. 

The names can provide a reliable clue to the understanding 
of the socio-cultural life. They can serve as a barometer for 
recording the historical realities of culture in a particular period. 
A study of the name-patterns can be a useful measuring rod 
for a historian; but, it has been rarely used. A name can reveal 
the personal equipment of the bestowing parents and also their 
emotional concern for their child. Above all, it tells us about 
the gods and goddesses and their comparative popularity, the 
religious ideas and beliefs current among the people, the social 
structure and the differences in the various social groups, and 
the realities of the linguistic phenomenon. In view of the 
elaborate rules about the grammatical, astronomical, religious 
and social considerations, an analysis of the pattern of names 
in different historical periods can give us a vital indication of 
the extent to which the traditional rules were respected and of 
the influences which were introducing changes in the traditional 
beliefs and systems. 

Considering the rich possibilities in a historical and com- 
parative analysis of the name-patterns, it is surprising indeed 
that, with a few singular exceptions, historians have not paid 
to this area of study the serious attention it deserves. Obviously 
this type of study is more demanding in respect of the discip- 
lines involved. The historian, who undertakes the work, has to 
possess a comprehensive knowledge of different aspects of an 
ancient society. He has to combine a knowledge of Sanskrit 
grammar and linguistics with a proficiency in palaeography and 
competence to handle the original texts bearing on the subject. 
Happily Dr. Tej Ram Sharma, one of my early research 
scholars, assiduously cultivated the qualities and acquired the 


necessary command over the concerned disciplines. It is gratify- 
ing to find that Dr. Sharma has produced a first-rate study on 
the subject and has covered himself up with glory. 

The study of the Gupta period of Indian history has been 
enriched by the contributions of many a competent scholar. 
But, without there being any significant addition to the original 
sources, some of the many publications have only been 
reproducing already well-known material. The approach 
adopted in these studies being regularly repetitive has acquired 
a chilling monotonousness. Dr. Sharma deserves commenda- 
tion for attempting an analysis of the culture of the Gupta 
period from an altogether new angle. His fresh approach 
has imparted a living warmth to the socio-cultural life of 
the period. Dr. Sharma has definitely made signficant improve- 
ment upon our understanding of the Classical Age of Indian 

In introducing the present study to the world of scholars 1 
must express my fervent desire and sincere hope that the pre- 
sent publication will be followed by many other scholarly 
studies by Dr. Sharma. 

Banaras Hindu University, LALLANJI GOPAL 





Coded Abbreviations 

Code of Inscriptions 

Transliteration Table 









Names of the Gupta Kings and Queens 

Names of Feudatory Kings and High Officers 

Names of Local Officers 

Names of Householders and Traders 

Names of Brahmanas ; Jainas and Bauddhas 

Epic and Puranic Names 

Names of Women 



















Prologue 203 

Place-Names and their Suffixes 209 

Names of the Rivers and the Mountains 293 

Conclusion 305 



I A Note on the King Candra of the Meharaull 

Iron Pillar Inscription 309 
II A Note on the Name of the Mother of Budha- 

gupta and Narasirhhagupta 314 

III Explanation of the Passage "Paistapuraka- 

Mahendragiri-kautturaka-svamidatta" 316 

IV Explanation of the Expression 

"Daivaputrasahisahanusahi" 318 

V The Rivers of Junagarh 321 

Bibliography 324 

List of Plates 360 

Index 361 


India in the Gupta Age xxviii 

The Rivers of Junagarh 322 
Plates Facing page 360 


It may be pointed out at the outset that the inscriptions 
included in the list could not be arranged in chronological order 
as they were included during the work as and when noticed 
and found available. We did not like to disturb the order as 
arranged by J.F. Fleet in his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, 
Vol. Ill and further added to the list the other inscriptions which 
he could not include in his work due to their non-availability and 
non-publication at the time when he published his work. The 
criterion for the selection of the inscriptions and the seals has 
been the relevance with the Gupta history and the area suppo- 
sed to be under the direct rule of the Guptas. 

The present work, to some extent, is a break-away from 
the traditional type of research. This work follows the lines set 
in by F.T. Wainright and Dr. H.D. Sankalia in their works 
Archaeology and place-names and History and Studies in 
the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of 
Gujarat respectively. 

Some people may ward off the idea in a name by saying 
merely "what is in a name?" But we find even now the people 
taking time to give a name to their child. They may even 
sometime talk about the justification of the name by the child 
which is expressed by a Sanskrit dictum yathd ndma tathd 

A person is identified by his name by the family members 
as well as by others. Man lives with his name in this life and 
even after death the name survives. There is a taboo about 
the secret name not to be disclosed or made known to others 
for fear of sorcery or black-magic or ill-effect by the spirits. 

It may also be mentioned that some people may give the 
names to their children quite thoughtfully it may be after a 
god, a hero, a character from some fiction, while others may 


imitate them without knowing or understanding any meaning or 
thought pregnant in the names. 

It may be argued whether the names are connotative or not 
but who can refuse their cultural significance or their bearing 
on the cultural life of society. The bulk of a particular type of 
names may signify the preponderance of certain customs or 
predominance of some cults and traits in a society. We are 
primarily concerned with this factor in our study on the per- 
sonal names in the Gupta inscriptions. 

In the study of the geographical names we are not only 
concerned with their identification but also with their origin, 
cultural significance as well as the linguistic changes. The 
geographical names may represent the important personages, 
social beliefs in a society and its cultural habitat. The present 
work aims at the following objectives. 

(i) To ascertain the historical facts proved by other evidence; 
(ii) To correctly check up certain disputed readings in the 

(iii) To correctly interpret some disputed passages in the 

(iv) To accord a scientific tinge to already known material on 

the tribes as well as the place-names in the light of the 

new material published through a number of monographs 

on the subject. 

The works on personal names are very few. In India a work 
of the type of Your Baby's name by Maxwell Nurnberg and 
Morris Rosenblum, has yet to be carried out, where the original 
history of English names has been worked out, statis- 
tics are given of its use by estimated number of people and 
ranked accordingly and the connotations given along with the 
citations from literature. The names for the boys and girls 
have also been classified separately. 

The present study, originally a doctoral thesis accepted by 
the Banaras Hindu University in 1968, seeks to discuss separa- 
tely different name-patterns with regard to personal names, 
names of tribes, places, rivers and mountains, though in a modest 
way. I owe special gratitude to Dr. V.S.PathakoftheGorakhpur 
University and Dr.L. Gopal of the Banaras Hindu University, 
who helped me through this work. I feel highly obliged to 


Dr.L. Gopal for writing a Foreword to this book. The award of 
a Research Fellowship by the University Grants Commission, 
New Delhi which enabled me to complete the dissertation, is 
very gratefully acknowledged. 

Other scholars who helped me by way of valuable sugges- 
tions are : 

Dr. A.K. Narain, Dr. H.D. Sankalia, Dr. D.C. Sircar, 
Dr. G. C. Pande, Dr. Romila Thapar, Dr A. M. Ghatage, 
Dr. M.A Mahendale, Dr. Mantrini Prasad, Dr. Parmanand 
Gupta, and Prof.N.K.S. Telang. 

The courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India in 
making available photographs reproduced in this book is 
gratefully acknowledged. 

Lastly, but not the least, I express my sincere thanks to 
my wife Brij and daughter Richa who gladly spared me the 
time for giving the present shape to the work. 

Department of History, TEJ RAM SHARMA 

Himachal Pradesh University, 
Summer Hill, SIMLA-171005. 

July 7, 1978 

Coded Abbreviations 

To cover a wide range of references we have introduced an 
alphabetical plan for abbreviations. We have divided it into 
the following six Series : 

(I) From A to Z 
(tl) A to Z with combination of x. 

(III) A to Z with combination of y. 

(IV) A to Z with combination of z. 
(V) A to Z with combination of g. 

(VI) A to Z with combination of J. (for Journals) 

During the process of the work, however, we could not avoid 
repetition and so as to avoid confusion, we have made use of 
numbers l and 2 after the brackets. These inconsistencies are : 

1. (Dx) 1 and (Dx) 2 after Dx. 

2. (Ox) 1 after Ox. 

3. (Zx)i after Zx. 

4. (Zy) 1 after Zy. 

5. (Kz)i and (Kz) 2 after Kz. 

6. (Mg) 1 after Mg. 

7. (CJ) 1 after CJ. 

8. (XJ)i after XJ. 

A Concise Etymological Dictionary by M. Mayrhofer (A) 

A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary by T. Burrow and M. B 

Emeneau (B) 

A History of India. Vol. I by Romila Thapar (C) 
A History of the Imperial Guptas by S . R. Goyal (D) 
A Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies presented to F. W. 

Thomas by S. M. Katre and P. K. Code (E) 


An Early History of Vaisdli by Yogendra Mishra (F) 

An Introduction to the Study of Indian History by D. D. 

Kosambi (G) 

Abhidhana-Anusilana by Vidyabhushan Vibhu (H) 
Age of the Imperial Guptas by R. D. Baneiji (I) 
AlberunVs India by E. C. Sachau (J) 
Ancient and Medieval Nepal by D. R. Kegmi (K) 
Ancient India by R. C. Majumdar (L) 
Ancient Indian Historical Tradition by F. E Pargiter (M) 
Ancient Peoples of the Punjab by J. Przyluski (N) 
Astadhyayi Prakasika by Devaprakash Patanjala (O) 
B. C. Law Volume (P) 
Bharatavarsiya Pracina Caritrakosa by Siddheshwar Shastri 

Chitrav (Q) 

Bharatiya Sikke by Vasudeva Upadhyaya (R) 
Buddha-Gaya by R. L. Mitra (S) 
Buddhist India by Rhys Davids (T) 
Buddhist Records of the Western World by S. Beal (U) 
Cambridge History of India, Vol. I (V) 
Caste in India by J. H. Hutton (W) 

Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India by John Allan (X) 
Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta by 

V. A. Smith (Y) 

Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties by John Allan (Z) 
Cities of Ancient India by B. N. Puri (Ax) 
Concise Semantic Dictionary by E. P. Horrwitz (Bx) 
Corporate Life in Ancient India by R. C. Majumdar (Cx) 
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Kharosthi Incsrip- 

tions by Sten Konow (Dx) 
Corpus Inscripionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill by John Faithful Fleet 


Dictionary of Pali Proper Names by G. P. Malalasekera (Dx) 2 
District Gazetteer of Gaya by L. S S. O' Malley (Ex) 
Early Chauhan Dynasties by D. Sharma (Fx) 
Early History of India by V. A. Smith (Gx) 
Early History of North India by Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya (Hx) 
Economic Life of Northern India in the Gupta Period by S. K. 

Maity (Ix) 

Ethnic Settlements in Ancient India by S. B. Chaudhuri (Jx) 


Ethnography of Ancient India by Robert Shafer (Kx) 
Folk Culture Reflected in Names by R. P. Masani (Lx) 
Geographical Data in the Early Puranas by M. R. Singh (Mx) 
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India by N. L. 

Dey (Nx) 

Geography by Strabo (Ox) 

Geography of the Puranas by S. M. AH (Ox) 1 

Glossary of Castes and Tribes of the Punjab and N. W. F. P, 

by H. A. Rose (Px) 
Great Epic of India by Hopkins (Qx) 
Guptakdllna Mudrain by Ananta Sadashiva Altekar (Rx) 
Gupta Samrajya by P. L. Gupta (Sx) 
Hindu Castes and Sects by J. N Bhattacharya (Tx) 
Hindu Polity by K. P. Jayaswal (Ux) 

Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon (ed.) C.H. Philips (Vx) 
Historical and Literary Inscriptions by R. B. Pandeya (Wx) 
Historical Geography of Ancient India by B. C. Law (Yx) 
History of Ancient India by R. S. Tripathi (Zx) 
History of Dharmasastra by P. V. Kane (Zx) 1 
History of India by K. P. Jayaswal (Ay) 
History of Indian Literature by M. A. Winternitz (By) 
History of Indian Logic by S. C. Vidyabhusana (Cy) 
History of Kosala by V. Pathak (Dy) 
History of Nepal by Daniel Wright (Ey) 
History of Orissa by R. D. Banerji (Fy) 
History of the Pallavas ofKanciby R. Gopalan (Gy) 
History of the Punjab, Vol. I (ed.) Fauja Singh and L. M. Joshi 


Hymns of the Atharvaveda by L. Bloomfield (ly) 
India as Known to Panini by V. S . Agrawala (Jy) 
India of the Vedic Kalpasutras by Ram Gopal (Ky) 
Indian Epigraphical Glossary by D. C. Sircar (Ly) 
Indian Literature by Weber (My) 
Iran by R. Ghirshman (Ny) 

Krishnaswami Aiyangar Commemoration Volume (Oy) 
Madhya Asia ke Kharosthi Abhilekhon Men Jlvana, Smaja 

Aura Dharma by Usha Varma (Py) 
McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Ptolemy (ed.) S. N. 

Mazumdar (Qy) 


Mirashi Felicitation Volume (Ry) 

Munshi Indological Felicitation Volume (Sy) 

Nirukta ofYaska (Yakska's Nirukta) (ed.) V. K. Rajavade (Ty) 

Nirukta-sastram by Bhagvaddatta (Uy) 

On Yuan-Chwang" s Travels in India by T. Walters (Vy) 

Our Language by Simeon Patter (Wy) 

Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo (ed.) V. S. Agrawala and Malvania(Xy) 

Pdniniya-Dhdtu-Pdtha-Samiksd by Bhagirath Prasada Tripathi 

Political and Social Movements in Ancient Punjab by Buddha 
Prakash (Zy) 1 

Political History of Ancient India by H. C. Raychaudhuri (Az) 

Rajatarahgini-kosa by Ramakumara Rai (Bz) 

S.K. Bhuyan Commemoration Volume (Cz) 

Saka Studies by Sten Konow (Dz) 

Samudragupta, Life and Times by B. G. Gokhale (Ez) 

Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Monier Williams (Fz) 

Sanskrit-English Dictionary by V. S. Apte (Gz) 

Select Inscriptions by D. C. Sircar (Hz) 

Selections From Sanskrit Inscriptions by D. B. Diskalkar (Iz) 

Siddhdntakaumudl-Arthaprakdsikd by Radharamana Pandeya 

Sir Asutosh Memorial Volume (Kz) 

Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal by B.C. 
Sen (Kz)i 

State and Government in Ancient India by A. S. Altekar (Kz) 2 

Studies in Ancient Indian History and Culture by U. N. Roy (Lz) 

Studies in Indian Coins by D. C. Sircar (Mz) 

Studies in the Brdhmanas by A. C. Banerjee (Nz) 

Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India by 
D. C. Sircar (Oz) 

Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnogra- 
phy of Gujarat by H. D. Sankalia (Pz) 

Systems of Sanskrit Grammar by S. K. Belvalkar (Qz) 

The age of Imperial Unity (Rz) 

The Ancient Geography of India by Alexander Cunningham (Sz) 

The Ancient History of the Near East by H. R. Hall (Tz) 

The Book of Ser Marco Polo by Sir Henry Yule (Uz) 

The City in Early Historical India by A. Ghosh (Vz) 


The Classical Age (Wz) 

The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English by H. W. 

Fowler and F. G. Fowler (Xz) 
The Culture and Civilization of Ancient Indiaby D. D. Kosambi 


The Cultural Heritage of India Vol. I (Yz) 
The Early History of Kamariipa by K. L. Barua (Zz) 
The Gupta Empire by R. K. Mookerji (Ag) 
The Historical Geography and Topography of Bihar by M. S. 

Pandey (Bg) 

The History of Bengal by R. C. Majumder (Cg) 
The Hunas in India by Upendra Thakur (Dg) 
The Indian Travels of Appoionius of Tyana by O. D. B. Priaulx 


The Indo- Greeks by A. K. Narain (Fg) 
The Life of Hiuen Tsang by S. Beal (Gg) 
The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language^ S. K. 

Chatterji (Hg) 

The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea by W. H. Schoff (Ig) 
The Purana Index by V. R. R. Dikshitar (Jg) 
The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age by F. E. 

Pargiter (Kg) 

The Republican Trends in Ancient Indiaby Shobha Mukerji (Lg) 
The Sakas in India by Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya (Mg) 
The Sanskrit Language by Burrow (Mg) 1 

The Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab by D. B. Pandey (Ng) 
The Siddhanta-Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikshita by S. C. Vasu (Og) 
The Vakatka-Gupta Age by R. C. Majumdar and A.S. Altekar (Pg) 
The Wonder that was India by A. L. Basham (Qg) 
Translation of the Atharvaveda by Whitney (Rg) 
Tribal-Coins A Study by M. K. Sharan (Sg) 
Tribes in Ancient India by B. C Law (Tg) 
Vdmana-Purana- A Study by V. S. Agrawala (Ug) 
Vedic Index of Names and Subjects by A. A. Macdonell and 

A. B. Keith (Vg) 
Vergleichandes Worterbuch Der Indogermanischen Sprachen 

by Alois Walde (Wg) 
Villages, Towns and Secular Buildings in Ancient India by 

Amita Ray (Xg) 



Annals of Oriental Research, University of Madras (A J) 
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 


Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Reports (C J) 
Archaeological Survey of Western India (C J) 1 
Bharati, Journal of the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu 

University, Varanasi (DJ) 
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London 


Cultural Forum, Ministry of Eduction, Government of India (FJ) 
Epigraphia Indica (GJ) 
Indian Antiquary, Bombay (HJ) 
Indian Culture, Calcutta (IJ) 
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta (JJ) 
Journal Asiatique, Paris (KJ) 
Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 

Calcutta (L J) 
Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajamundry 


Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna (NJ) 
Journal of Gujarat Research Society (O J) 
Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum (P J) 
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Bombay (QJ) 

Journal of the Department of Letters, University of Calcutta (R J) 
Journal of the Greater India Society (S J) 
Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Varanasi (T J) 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 

Ireland, London (UJ) 

Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Lucknow (V J) 
Journal of the Mahakosala Historical Society (W J) 
Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India (XJ) 
Nagari Pracarini Patrika, Varanasi (X J) 1 
Praci-Jyoti, Kurukshetra University Journal (YJ) 
Puranam, Ramanagar Fort, Varanasi (ZJ) 

\;d *;*;, x Um v ivi 

Code of Inscriptions 

S. No. Name of the Inscription 

1. Allahabad Stone Pillar Inscription of 
Samudragupta (=A.D. 335-76) 

2. Eran Stone Pillar Inscription of 
Samudragupta (=A.D. 335-76) 

3. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candra- 
gupta II Gupta Year 82 (A.D. 401) 

4. Mathura Stone Inscription of Candra- 
gupta II (=A.D. 375-414) 

5. Sand Stone Inscription of Candra- 
gupta II Gupta Year 93 (A.D. 412) 

6. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candra- 
gupta II (=A.D. 375-414) 

7. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Candra- 
gupta II Gupta Year 88 (=A.D. 407) 

8. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Kumara- 
gupta I (=A.D. 415-455) 

9. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Kumara- 
gupta I -Gupta Year 98 (=A.D. 417) 

10. Bilsad Stone Pillar Inscription of 
Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 96 
(=A.D. 415) 

11. Mankuwar Buddhist Stone Image Ins- 
cription of the time of Kumaragupta I 
Gupta Year 129 (=A.D. 448) 

12. Bihar Stone Pillar Inscription of Skanda- 
gupta (A.D. 455-67) 


(Dx)i, p. 1 ; 
Hz. p. 262 
(Dx)i,p. 18; 
Hz. p 268 
(Dx),i p.21 ; 
Hz. p. 279 

(Dx)i,p. 29; 

Hz. p. 280 


Hz. pp. 279- 


(Dx)i, p. 36 

(Dx)i, p. 39 
(Dx)i, p. 40 

(Dx)i,p. 42; 
Hz. 285 

Hz. p. 294 

Hz. p. 325 


13. Bhitarl Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p.52; 
Skandagupta (=A.D. 455-67) Hz. p. 321 

14. Junagarh Rock Inscription of Skanda- (Dx) 1 , p. 56; 
gupta Gupta Years 136, 137 and 138 Hz. p. 307 
(=A.D. 455, 456 and 457). 

15. Kahaum Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p 65; 
Skandagupta Gupta Year 141 (=A.D. Hz. p. 316 

16. Indore Copper-plate Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p. 68, 
Skandagupta Gupta Year 146 (=A,D. Hz. p. 318 

17. Mandasor Stone Inscription mentioning (Dx) 1 , p.79; 
Kumaragupta I and Bandhuvarman Hz. p. 298 
Malava Years 493 and 529 (=A.D. 436 

and 473) 

18. Eran Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p.89; 
Budhagupta Gupta Year 165 (=A.D. Hz. p. 334 

19. Eran Posthumous Iron Pillar Inscription (Dx) 1 , p.91; 
(of Goparaja) of the time of Bhanu- Hz. p. 345 
gupta Gupta Year 191 (A.D. 510) 

20. Meharauli Posthumous Iron Pillar Ins- (Dx) 1 ,p.l39; 
cription of Candra Hz. p. 283 

21. Spurious Gaya Copper-plate Inscrip- (Dx) 1 ,p.254; 
tion of Samudragupta Year 9 Hz. p. 272 

22. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of the time (Dx) 1 , p.258 
of Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 106 

(=A.D. 425) 

23. Sanci Stone Inscription of the time of (Dx) 1 ,p.260 
Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 131 

(=A.D. 450) 

24. Mathura Stone Image Inscription of (Dx) 1 ,p.262 
the time of Skandagupta Gupta Year 

135 (=A.D. 454-5) 

25. Gadhwa Inscription of the time of (Dx) 1 , p. 264 
Kumaragupta I 

26. Kosam Stone Image Inscription of (Dx) 1 ,p.266 
Maharaja Bhimavarman Gupta Year 



27. Gadhwa Stone Inscription Gupta Year (Dx) 1 , p.267 
148 (=A.D. 467) 

28. Paharpur Copper-plate Inscription of GJ.XX, p.62; 
the Gupta Year 159 (=A.D. 478) S.I. p. 359 

29. Dhanaidaha Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XVII, 
(of the time of Kumaragupta I) p. 347; Hz. 
Gupta Year 113 (=A.D. 432) p. 287 

30. Tumain Fragmentary Inscription of GJ. XXVI, 
the time of Kumaragupta I and p. 117; Hz. 
Ghatotkacagupta Gupta Year 116 p. 297 
(=A"D. 435) 

31. Mathura Jain Inscription of Kumara- GJ. II, p. 210 
gupta IGupta Year 113 (=A.D. 432) 

32. Mandasor Stone Inscription of the GJ. XXVII, 
time of Prabhakara-Malava (Vikrama) p. 15; Hz. 
year 524 (=A.D. 467) p. 406 

33. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p. 
of the time of Budhagupta Gupta 135; Hz. 
Year 163 (=A.D.482) p. 332 

34. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p. 
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta 130 ; Hz. 
Year 124 (=A.D. 443) p. 290 

35. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p. 
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta 133; Hz. 
Year 128 (=A.D. 448) p. 292 

36. Damcdarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p. 
of the time of Budhagupta 138; Hz. 
(=A.D. 476-94) p. 336 

37. Damadarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p. 
of the Gupta Year 224 (= A.D. 543) 142; Hz. p. 346 

38. Nalanda Seal of Visnugupta GJ. XXVI, p. 

239; Hz. p. 340 

39. Karamdanda Stone Linga Inscription GJ. X. p. 71; 
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta Hz. p. 289 
Year 117 (=A.D. 436) 

40. Spurious Nalanda Copper-plate Ins- GJ. XXV, p. 
cription of Samudragupta Year 5 50 Hz. p. 227 

41. Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candra- GJ. XXI, p. 8; 
gupta II Regnal Year 5, Gupta Year Hz. p. 227 



61 ( = A.D. 380) 

42. Basarh Clay Seal of Govindagupta 

43. Kalaikuri Sultanpur Copper-plate 
Inscription of the Gupta Year 120 
(=A.D. 439) 

44. Baigram Copper-plate Inscription of the 
Gupta Year 120 (=A.D. 439) 

45. Basarh Clay Seal of Ghatotkacagupta 

46. Supia Stone Pillar Inscription of the 
time of Skandagupta Gupta Year 141 
(=A. D. 460) 

47. Nalanda Clay Seal of Narasirhhagupta 

48. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Inscription of 
Kumaragupta II 

49. Bhitarl Inscribed Copper-Silver Seal of 
Kumaragupta III 

50. Nalanda Baked Clay Seal of Kumara- 
gupta II 

5 1 . Nalanda Seal of Vainyagupta 

52. Gunaighar Copper-plate Inscription of 
Vainyagupta Gupta Year 188 (=A. D. 

53. Nalanda Seal of Budhagupta 

54. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Image Inscrip- 
tion of Budhagupta Gupta Year 157 
(=A. D. 476) 

55. VaranasI Pillar Inscription of the time 
of Budhagupta Gupta Year 1 59 (= A.D. 

CJ. 1903-4, 
p. 107 

JJ. XIX, p. 
21; Hz. p. 

GJ. XXI, p. 
81; Hz. p. 

CJ. 1903-4, 
p. 107 

Part 8, p. 308; 
Hz. p. 317 
JJ. XIX, p. 
273; Xj. No. 
66, p. 65 
CJ. 1914-15, 
p. 124 

p. 89 

XJ. No. 66, 
p. 66 

XJ. No. 66, 
p. 67 

Hz. p. 340 

JJ. XIX, p. 
119; Hz. p. 

CJ. 1914-15, 
pp. 124-25; 
Hz. p. 332 
LJ. XV, 
1949, p. 5; 
Hz. p. 332 

Transliteration Table 




SIT a 





& u 









sr: ah 




*r kh *r 

g ^ 

* gh 

T; n 


^9 ch ^ 

j ' 

IT jh 

^ n 


5 th s 

d ' 

5 dh 

l ^ 


* th ? 

d J 

* dh 

1 n 


<* Ph ^ 

b i 

T bh 

*r m 


T r ^r 

1 < 

J V 



*T S f 



?r tra sr 




TRIBES (written o) KURD 






Nominal languages, such as the Greenlandish and the 
Nauhatt, represent the earliest stage in the development of 
linguistic structures. They consisted mostly of the object- 
words, which denoted the objects and also action and quality. 
In the nominal languages, object-words (names) emerged out 
of proper names. In the early stages of a language, the first 
words are names, and all names are primarily proper names. 
Generic names, like man, animal and tree, evolve later and 
abstractions, like courage, ferocity, and greenness, later still. 1 
A proper name is a symbol pointing to one and only one 
person, or place. Primitive man felt that the relationship 
between name and thing was close and intimate. This fraction 
formed the basis for rituals pertaining to propitiation and 
incantation. The mishandling of a name in speech might imply 
insult or may result in injury to the bearer of the name. 2 

Even in regard to generic names we have to keep certain 
limitations in view. Yaska states that we find convenience in 
restricting the use of words otherwise they may bring about 
confusion. 3 

A personal name consists of a surname and that part of 
name which is variously called as the first name or the Christian 
name. Surname consists of the Caste-suffix or Gotra, Pravara 
and Sakha. Sometimes it may consist of Gotra or family 
appellation alone. Many surnames are derived from the 
principal professions the people followed or the crafts they 
practised, and in the majority of cases, are still engaged in. 
Some surnames give clue to the original habitat of a people, 
even though they have migrated elsewhere. Others point to 
the ethnic groups a people belonged. Thus surnames are 
important from Historical, Cultural, and Ethnological point of 

First names are primarily devised to denote 4 and not to 
connote, though at times fortuitously denotation may be 


identical with connotation. 5 Nevertheless, they reflect beliefs, 
aspirations, cultural atmosphere and level of education of 
family, head of the family or society. It is not necessary that 
the names befit a thing or person as soon as it is born. Some 
names are given to them after noticing their actions. Bilvdda 
and Lambacudaka were the names of certain birds current in 
Yaska's time ; Amara does not mention them. The bird Bilvdda 
is so called on account of its habit of eating a certain fruit 
some time after its birth. In the case of Lambacudaka 
its long crest comes into existence long after its birth and 
yet it is called Lambacudaka* The first part of the names of 
persons generally consists of certain deities, constellations, 
abstract things or other objects of nature. They are with or 
without a name-ending suffix. 

We can study personal names with respect to time, place 
and society. A certain society will not change its naming- 
pattern even after the change of place. From the frequency of 
a particular name in a particular region we know of the 
religion, culture and the philosophy of life of the people of a 
certain region. Vidyabhushan has quoted some lengthy names 
giving full particulars of the persons. 7 

Now we shall briefly review the principles of naming a 
person as prescribed by the Dharmasastras and grammarians. 

We may classify the literary data about naming into four 
distinct periods 8 : 

1. Vedic period 

2. Sutra period 

3. Smrti period 

4. Nibandha period 


In the Vedic period usually two names were given to a 
person, one of which was a secret name, known to the parents 
only. Instances of persons having three or four names are also 
found. Throughout the Vedic literature the names given to a 
person were his own secular name and one or more other 
names derived either from his father's or grandfather's name, 
or from his Gotra or from a locality or from the name of his 
mother.9 It is not quite clear from the Vedic literature how the 


secret name known only to the parents was given. Hardly any 
secret name except that of Indra as Arjiina is known from the 
Vedic literature. 10 It is to be noted that the rule as to giving the 
designation of a Naksatra as the secret name or otherwise is 
not illustrated by a single recorded name of a teacher in the 
Brahmanas. 11 The Satapatha Brahmana several times mentions 
the adoption of a second name with a view to securing success, 
and also refers to the adoption of another name for purposes 
of distinction. 12 


The Grhya-sutras provide us details about the name-giving 
ceremony, the secret name, the common name, the abhivada- 
mya name, the quality of the name as well as the formation of 
the names of the boys and girls. 

Name-giving ceremony 

The Sarikhayana 13 and the Paraskara 14 Grhya-sutras pres- 
cribe the name-giving ceremony to be performed on the tenth 
day after the birth of the child but usually the Grhya-sutras 
recommend its performance after ten nights have elapsed. 15 
The Grhya-sutras consider the first ten days after the birth of 
the child as of impurity. Hence it is prescribed by the Hiran- 
yakesin 16 that on the twelfth day the mother and son take a 
bath, the house is made clean, the Siitikagni is taken away and 
the Aupasanagni is established. Having put wood on that fire, 
and having performed the rites down to the vyahrti oblations, 
they sacrifice twelve oblations with the verses, "May Dhatri 
give us wealth" ; according to some (teachers they make) 
thirteen (oblations). This, O Varuna 'Hail, good luck ?' Then 
let the father give the name to the child. 

The Gobhila Grhya-sutra is very liberal with regard to the 
performance of the name-giving ceremony as it says, "When 
ten nights have elapsed after (the child's) birth, or a hundred 
nights, or one year, the Namadheyakarana (or giving a name 
to the child) is performed". 17 Gobhila 18 details the ceremony 
as follows : He who is going to perform that ceremony, the 
father or a representative of the father, sits down to the west 
of the fire on northward-pointed Darbka grass, facing the east. 


Then the mother, having dressed the son in a clean garment, 
hands him, from south to north, with his face turned to the 
north, to the performer of the ceremony. She then passes 
behind his back and sits down to the north of him, on north- 
ward pointed Darbha grass. He then sacrifices to Prajapati, to 
the Tit hi of the Child's birth, to the Naksatra of the child's 
birth, and to the presiding deity of that Tithi and of that Naksatra. 
He then murmurs theM<7/?/ra,"Who art thou?What art thou?, 
touching the sense-organs at the boy's head. In the passage of 
the Mantra : "Enter upon the month that belongs to Ahaspati 
(i.e., the lord of the days), N.N." After this the performer of 
the rite should first announce the child's name to the mother. 19 
Further the sacrificial fee of a cow is recommended. 20 

Paraskara, 21 however, makes this ceremony very simple 
when it states, "On the tenth day (after the birth of the child) 
the father, having made (his wife) get up, and having fed the 
brahmanas, gives a name to the child". 

The Secret Name 

The secret name is given to the child immediately after the 
birth of the child or even before when the rite for quick 
delivery is to be performed. As prescribed by the Gobhila 
Grhya-sutra, the father pronounces a name in the formula : 
"A male will be born, such-and-such by name" ; and the name 
is kept secret. 22 Apastamba 23 prescribes that the father gives 
the name to the new-born child soon after his birth. This is a 
Naksatra name and is secret. The Khadira Grhya-sutra 24 also 
prescribes that the secret name should be given immediately 
after the birth of the child. Sankhayana 25 prescribes the giving 
of the secret name by the father after feeding the new-born 
child with a mixture of butter, honey, milk-curds and water, 
or grind together rice and barley, from a golden vessel or with 
a golden spoon. The Hiranyakesin Grhya-sutra, 26 however, 
prescribes that on the twelfth day itself, the father should give 
the child two names out of which the second name should be a 
Naksatra name. The one name should be secret and by the 
other they should call him. 

This means that according to Hiranyakesin the secret name 
may not essentially be a Naksatra name. 


The Common Name 

A common name or a name for public use is given to the 
child after the tenth day at the time of the performance of the 
name-giving ceremony. Saiikhayana 27 prescribes that the name 
should be pleasing to the brahmanas. 

The Abhivadanlya Name 

The Asvalayana Grhya-sutra 28 prescribes that along with 
the common name, the father may also find out for the child, 
a name to be used at respectful salutations, such as that due 
to the Acarya at the ceremony of initiation ; that name only 
his mother and father should know till his initiation. While 
the Gobhila Grhya-sutra 29 prescribes that the abhivadanlya 
name should be given by the teacher when the student comes 
for study. The teacher chooses for him a name which he is to 
use at respectful salutations a name derived from the name of 
a deity or a Naksatra. Or also of his Gotra, according to some 

The Quality of the Name 

All the Grhya-sutras unanimously agree that the name of 
the son should begin with a sonant, 30 with a semi-vowel in it, 
with a long vowel or the visarga at the end, and formed with a 
krta suffix and it should not contain a taddhita suffix with an 
even number 31 of syllables. 32 The Asvalayana Grhya-sutra 
says that the name should consist of two, or of four syllables. 
Of two syllables, if he is desirous of firm position ; of four 
syllables, if he is desirous of holy lustre ; but in every case 
with an even number of syllables for men. 33 

The Grhya-sutras of Apastamba 34 and Hiranyakesin, 35 on 
the authority of a Brahmana, prescribe the option of a name 
containing the particle su, for such a name has a firm found- 
ation. Paraskara adds further that the name of a brahmana 
should end in Barman, that of a ksatriya in Varman and that of 
a vaisya in Gupta.^ Hiranyakesin 37 prescribes two names for a 
brahmana desirous of success. The second name should be a 
Naksatra name. The one name should be secret and by the 
other the parents should call the child. He further prescribes 


that the father should give him the name Somayajin i.e., 
performer of soma sacrifices, as his third name. 38 

The name derived from the deity or Naksatra was permit- 
ted using god's name but directly using god's name as the name 
of an individual was forbidden. 39 The name of the father was 
to be avoided but the child could be given the name of one of 
his ancestors. 40 

The Names of the Girls 

While some Grhya-sutras 41 are silent about the names of 
the girls, others 42 prescribe some rules for framing their names 
as well : 

(i) The name of a girl should have an odd number of 

syllables. 43 

(ii) It should end in a, with a taddhita suffix. 44 
(in) It should end in da^ 

(iv) Apastamba 46 says that girls who have the name of a 
Naksatra, or of a river, or of a tree, are objectionable. 
This finds an echo later in the Manu-Smrti where the girls 
bearing such names are forbidden for marriage. 47 

0) The Apastamba Grhya-sutra 48 also states that all girls 
in whose names the last letter but one is r or /, one 
should avoid in wooing. 
(vi) The name of a girl should not end in dattd or raksitd 

preceded by the name of a deity; etc. 49 
We find some distinguishing characteristics between the 
names of the boys and the girls. The names of the boys are 
prescribed to end in visarga while of the girls with a or da. 
The names of the boys are ordained to end with a krta suffix 
while of the girls with a taddhita suffix. But the rules prohibi- 
ting certain kinds of names for girls were frequently violated 
or continued to be violated as is evident from numerous such 
examples in literature. 


Manu simplifies the system and lays down the following 
four simple rules : 

(/) A name should be given to a child on the 10th or 12th 
day on a pious date, Muhurta or Naksatra.^ 


(//) The name of a brahmana should be indicative of 
mangala, of a ksatriya strength, of a vaisya wealth 
and of sudra lowness. 51 

(in) To the name of a brahmana an upapada (suffix) should 
be joined indicating sarman (happiness or blessing) ; of 
a king an upapada connected with protection ; of a 
vaisya indicating prosperity and of a sudra indicating 
dependence or service. 52 

(iv) The names of women should be easily pronounced, 
clear, charming, auspicious, ending in long vowel and 
should be full of blessings. 53 

Manu omits the elaborate rules about giving a name in the 
case of males, and does not make any reference to the Naksatra 
name or abhivadanlya name given to a boy. 


The Mitaksara, a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smrti, 
quotes Sankha, who says that a father should give to his son a 
name connected with a family deity. 54 

There is another way of deriving names from Naksatras. 
In some of the medieval Jyotisa works, each of the 27 
Naksatras is divided into four padas, and to each pada of a 
Naksatra a specific letter is assigned (e.g. cu, ce, co, and la for 
the four padas of Asvim) from which a person born in a 
particular pada of Asvini was called Cudamani, Cedlsa, Colesa, 
or Laksmana. 55 These names are called Naksatra-nama; they 
are secret and muttered into the ear of the brahmacarin at his 
upanayana even now. Even so late a work as the Dharma- 
sindhu (A.D. 1790) disapproves of names, not warranted by the 

Now we consider the views of grammarians on naming a 

Panini divides the names into four principal classes. 56 

(1) Gotra names mentioned in Chapter 4, pada 1 of the 
Astadhyayl, e.g. Gargya. 

(2) Patronymics, e.g. Upagu's son called Aupagava 
(Tasyapatyam, IV. 1.92). 

(3) Names derived from localities, where a person or his 
ancestors lived. 


(4) Personal names proper (V.3.78,84; V.3.65 ; VI 2.106; 
VI.2.159; Vl.2.165). 

Patafijali in his Mahabhasya mentions Panini by matro- 
nymic. 57 

He says that parents name their child some days after his 
birth just as Devadatta and Yajnadatta and as a result other 
people also know him by the same name. 58 

The Angavijja, 59 a work generally placed in the third 
century, has much useful material about names. The 26th 
chapter of this work is devoted to proper names. The general 
rules prescribed for naming the persons are as follows : 

The names of men were formed from gottandma, ayandma 
(constellations), kamma (profession), sarira (body) karana 
(office). 60 Under aya are quoted the examples kinnaka, kata- 
raka, chadditaka. Sarira names are qualitative. They are sanda 
(bull), vikada (terrible), kharada (lowest), khallada(ba\d), vipina 
(forest). 6 * 

The friendly names ended with the suffixes nandi, nanda, 
dinna, nandaka and nandika** 

The names indicating defects of the body are khandasisa 
(broken head), kana (blind of one eye), pillaka (discarded), 
kujja (hunchback), vdmanaka (dwarf), kuvi(ni)ka (lame), 
sabala (spotted), khanja (lame), and vadabha (distorted). 63 

Proper names were also formed on the basis of complexion, 
fair complexion being designated as avaddtaka, seda and sedila\ 
light black as sama, sdmali and sdmaka-sdmald, and black as 
kdlaka and kdlikd. 

Names based on beauty of the human body are : sumuha 
(handsome), sudamsana (pleasing personality), suruva (beauti- 
ful), jala (well-born), and sugata (pleasing gait). 

The names based on age are : bdlaka (child), daharaka 
(boy), majjhima (middle-aged), thavira-thera (old). 64 

The following endings of proper names are mentioned : 
tata, ddtta, dinna, tnitta, gutta, bhuta pdla, pdli, samma, ydsa, 
rdta, ghosa, bhdnu, viddhi, nandi, nanda, mdna, uttard, pdlita, 
rakhi, nandana, nandaka, and sahitamahaka.^. 

1. Wy. p. 142. 


2- Cf . cnfopfcT ftr^T, ^ft 52 



Vrtra himself was killed while tryirg to kill Indra with the help of a 
mantra. This all happened due to the mistake of the chanter of the hymn 
in accent. 

In "zrt^ra: FfTcfrsqRnTTrT'' the word "^sw:" if accented on the first 
word becomes srpftff *r*TRT otherwise a flcj^r *r*TRr if accented finally. 
In the hymn ^-amd^sre? i.e. the slayer (Satrii) of Indra should get victory, 
by mistake the brahmanas chanted it with the accent on the first word 
which entirely changed its meaning as 'He should be victorious, who has 
Indra as slayer (satrii). 

3. Ty, pp. 263-64 : 

All sorts of people are found planing wood occasionally; but the name 
'taksan' (from ^7/0^= to plane wood) is applied to those only who make 
a profession of planing wood or carpentering. Beggars wander about and 
yet they are not called parivrajaka (one who moves here and there); the 
term is used only for those who embrace the fourth religious order. 
Jivanah literally means one that lives; so anything that lives may be called 
Jlvana but water of sugarcane or a kind of vegetable alone is called 
Jivana. The word bhumija refers to the planet Mars though multitudes of 
things are born of the earth. 

4. Mahabhasya Vol. I, p. 38; See note 58 also. 

5. Cf. H. p. 14. 

We find in the Nama-siddhi-jataka-gatha (No. 67) that a person named 
Papaka who was in search of good name came back to his house dis- 
appointed seeing Jlvaka as dead, finding Dhanapala in poor condition and 
noticing Panthaka roaming about in woods. 

J^RFTcft ll" 

6. Yaska's Nirukta (ed. V.K. Rajavade), Ty., p. 266. 

7. H. p. 16. 

See also .Lx pp. 40-47. 

8. H-D. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 100-104. 

P.V. Kane, "Naming a Child or a person", JJ, XIV, pp. 224-44. 

9. Vg., Vol. I, p. 444. 

10. Satapatha, II. 1.2.11. 

11. Vg. pp. 443-44. 

12. Ibid., p. 444. 

13. I. 24.6. 

14. I. 17.1. 

15. Apastamba VI. 15.7-8; Hiranyakesin II. 1.4, 6; Gobhila II. 8.8. 

16. II ? 1,4, 6-10. 

17. Gobhila, II, 8-8. 

18. Ibid., II. 8. 9-14. 

19. Ibid., 11.8. 17. 


20. Ibid., II. 8. 18. 

21. I. 17.1. 

22. Gobhila Grhya-Sutra II, 7, 15; Ram Gopal, Ky., pp. 265 and 273. 

23. VI. 15.2-3.' 

24. II, 2, 30-31. 

25. 1.24. 3-6. 

26. II. 1, 4, 12-14. 

27. 1.24.6. 

29. II. 10.23-25. 

30. Sonants (Ghosa) are the 3rd, 4th and 5th letters of the five classes 
from ^ff to q^if and q-, r, T, *T. 

31. An even number means divisible by two i.e. two or four or six or 
eight etc. 

32. Gobhila Grhya-Sutra, II. 8, 14-15. 

Hiranyakesin Grhya-Sutra II, I, 4, 10: Sankhayana Grhya-Sutra I. 24.4; 
Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. I. 17.2; Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra. I. 15.4-7; 
Apastamba Grhya-Sutra. VI. 15.9. 

33. Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra. I. 15. 4-7. 

34. VI. 15.10. 

35. II. 1,4.10. 

36. Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. 1.17.4. 

37. Hiranyakesin Grhya-Sutra, II. I, 4, 12-14. 

38. Ibid., II, I, 4, 15. 

39. Manava Grhya-Sutra, 1.18., 1-2. 

40. Ram Gopal, Ky., p. 274. 

41. Hiranyakesin, Sankhayana etc. 

42. Asvalayana, Paraskara, Apastamba etc. 

43. Apastamba Grhya-Sutra VI. 15.11; Paraskara Grhya-Sutra 1.17.3; 
Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra I. 15.7. 

44. Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. I. 17.3. 

45. Gobhlia Grhya-Sutra, II. 8.16. 

46. Apastamba Grhya-Sutra, I, 3, 12. 

47. ^STcfsrfT^t'TF'ff H'IT^H <f cRlfn =t> i +^ I 

T TSzrfirsNiTTSTf *l ^ ^PWfWlTT ll T^jfa 3 IS.. 

48. I. 3.13. 

49. Varaha Grhya-Sutra, III. 3. as quoted by Ram Gopal, op. cit. 
p. 275. 


51. Manu Smrti, 2.31 : 




52. Ibid., 2.32 

9T 3FT 

53. Ibid., 2.33 


, II 

54. H.D. Sankalia, Pz., p. 104. 

55. P.V. Kane, JJ., XIV, p. 238. 

56. V.S. Agrawala, Jy., p. 182. 

TT^T^m^ on qrfarftr I. 1.20 (Vol. I, p. 75) 
58. Vide ^T^T^T Vol. I, p. 38. 

Kane, JJ., XIV, 1938, p. 243. 

59. *rf?T gTjzrfo^ 

60. Ibid., p. 152 : ^ 
1. iftrnrmt^, 2 

61. Ibid., p. 152. 

62. Ibid., p. 152, VS. 1-2. 

63. Ibid., p. 153 : ^ 


64. Ibid., p. 153 : STF^ 

65. Ibid., p. 153. 

, 1957 

, c ^srr 
^f, 4. 

Names of the Gupta Kings 
and Queens 


All Gupta kings excepting Ghatotkaca have the surname 
'gupta' at the end. Before taking up the names of individual 
Gupta kings we may discuss the significance of the term 
'gupta'. Does it signify the family (a vaisya family) or the 
predecessor of the family ? 

In the inscriptions, Sri Gupta appears as the founder of the 
dynasty. His name is always given first in the dynastic table. 1 
Moreover, we find in the Udayagiri Cave inscription, of the 
year 106 2 the wording "Guptanvyanam nrpasattamanam rajye" 
(in the reign of the family of the best of kings, belonging to 
the Gupta lineage) which shows that all these kings belonged 
to a family which was founded by the above Gupta ; hence 
they were called Guptas. 3 

In Sri Gupta '&*' is an honorific term as in the case of other 
Gupta emperors mentioned in the inscriptions. 4 Had the name 
of the first king been 'Sri Gupta', it would have been mention- 
ed as Sri Sri Gupta 5 as we find in the case of the name of 
Srlmati in the Deo-Barnark Inscription of Jlvitagupta II. 6 If 
we accept that Gupta was the name of the first king of the 
family we may dismiss the possibility of the Gupta ending 
signifying a surname. 

Now the question arises why the family was named after 
this Gupta ? In many cases families are named after some 
important person born therein, and when once a family is so 
named, the tradition is maintained even though the successors 
may reach much higher positions. Prior to this the family 
might not have attained any significant status. For the first 
time this Gupta got the status of a Maharaja as is mentioned 



in the Gupta inscriptions, 7 the status remained unchanged in 
the second generation, and from the third generation the Gupta 
kings became Maharajadhirajas. Literally, Maharaja means a 
great king. But the apparent and deliberate differentiation in 
the status of the earlier and later kings suggests that the poli- 
tical status of this Gupta was not much high in his own times. 8 
Probably he was only a feudal chief and not an independent 

The name Gupta is so short that it looks suspiciously queer. 
But we must point out that the first part has not been lost or 
damaged in the inscription. Palaeographically it is quite 
categorical that the name is Gupta, there is no loss or damage 
of syllables. 

In ordinary life in all societies we find the convenient 
tendency to drop one part of the name. We address a person 
by the purvapada or the uttarapada whichever is convenient to 
us. By the passage of time that name becomes his popular 
name. In some cases even his original name may be forgotten. 
In our own case Gupta may have been the uttarapada of the 
name of the first king by which he may have been generally 
known. The name Gupta was probably very popular, so much 
so that the dynasty itself was named after it. 

The practice of shortening the names is not known in the 
Vedic times ; it is noticed by Panini and seems to have been 
fashionable in the times of Katyayana and Patanjali. 9 Several 
examples of it are also met with in the Buddhist literature. 

In modern historical usage Sri has become so much asso- 
ciated with the name of the first king of the Gupta dynasty 
that it has become a real part of his name generally written as 
'Sri Gupta'. 

The psychology behind it may be that the use of the 
smaller names sounds queer and it is brought at par with 
other names in the dynasty, e.g. Candragupta, Samudragupta, 
Kumaragupta, etc. 

V.A. Smith 10 suggests that this name was not simply Gupta, 
but Srigupta, implying thereby that Sri is an integral part of 
his name, not the honorific prefix. Fleet 11 has thoroughly 
refuted all his arguments and we may not discuss them here. 

Some corroborative evidence for the historicity of Sri 


Gupta is afforded by two seals of which one is in Prakrit and 
gives the legend 'Gautasyc? while the other is in Sanskrit and 
has the reading '$ri Guptasya\ It is most probable that these 
seals belong to the founder of the Gupta dynasty, especially 
the Sanskrit Seal. 12 

The dynastic name is derived from the termination Gupta 
of each king's personal name, showing that the line had no 
respectable origin as clan, tribe, or caste. 13 

The word 'Gupta' is derived from \/g u P to protect. 14 The 
Visnu Purana 15 says "(The termination) sarman is prescribed 
for a brahmana ; varman belongs to a ksatriya ; (and) a name 
characterised by gupta and dasa is approved of in the case of 
(respectively) a vaisya and a sudra". The commentary in the 
Bombay edition gives as examples, Somasarman, Indravarman, 
Candragupta, and Sivadasa. 16 The Manavadharmasastra 17 
also lays down a similar rule without specifying the termina- 
tions. On the basis of these authorities, it has been suggested 
that the Early Guptas were not of a high caste, being at best 
vaisyas, and hence felt pride in their matrimonial alliance with 
the Licchavis. 18 

But we find that the rules regarding the naming of persons 
prescribed in the Dharmasastras were not always strictly 
followed. To give only a few examples the name of the well 
known astronomer, Brahmagupta, a brahmana, ended in 
'Gupta' 19 and likewise Dasavarman is the name of a brahmana, 
in line 36 of the Nerur grant of Vijayaditya (dated Saka-sarhvat 
627). 2 

We know of the names of the kings ending in Gupta as 
early as second century B.C. from the records of the excava- 
tions and explorations conducted in Central India. 21 It may 
be noted from Talagund stone pillar inscription of the time of 
Santivarman (A.D. 455-70) 22 that the grandson of a brah- 
mana king Mayurasarman was named as Kaku(ut)stha varman. 
Thus on consideration no weightage can be given to the word 
'gupta' denoting a Vaisya class. 

In this context we must note that Prabhavatlgupta, the 
daughter of Candragupta II and chief queen of the Vakataka 
king Rudrasena II describes herself as belonging to the 
Dharana gotra in her Poona and Rithpur copper plate inscrip- 



tions. 23 Dharana is clearly the gotra of her father, as the gotra 
of her husband is specifically mentioned as 'Visnuvrddha' in 
the Chammak copper plate inscription of Pravarasena II. 24 

This Dharana gotra has been variously interpreted by 

Jayaswal takes it to stand for Dhanri, a Jat clan found in 
Amritsar, and on the basis of the Kaumudimahotsava he 
concludes that Candragupta I was a Karaskara or Kakkarjat.^ 
This view has been supported by Gokhale. 26 

Jayaswal emphasizes the similarity between the name of the 
Dharanlya jats in Ganganagar district of Rajasthan and the 
Dharana gotra of the Guptas. 27 Candragomin's grammatical 
il lustration "ajayat jarto Hunan" (The jarta or Jat king defeated 
the Hunas) has also been interpreted by Jayaswal to refer to 
the Gupta ruler Skandagupta's victory over the Hunas. 28 Thus 
the jat origin of the Guptas has been a favourite thesis of 

According to Raychaudhuri the Dharana gotra of the 
Guptas suggests that they were related to DharinI, the chief 
queen of Agnimitra Sunga. 29 This view is untenable. The 
similarity in the two names is not sufficient to establish the 
origin of the Dharna gotra. 

On the basis of the evidence of the Skandapurana Dashrath 
Sharma 30 says that Dharana was a gotra of the brahmanas of 
Dharmaranya, a tract in the present Mirzapur district of 
Eastern Uttar Pradesh. But Sharma is not ready to accept 
that the Guptas were brahmanas, he considers them to be 
either ksatriyas or vaisyas who adopted the gotra of their 
gurus, as sanctioned by the laws of the Smrtis and the 
Dharmasutras. 31 

But Goyal 32 considers the Guptas to be brahmanas. He 
relies on the evidence of their matrimonial alliances : 

We find that Prabhavatlgupta, the daughter of Candragupta 
II was married to the brahmana king Rudrasena II. 33 Kadamba 
king Kaku(ut)sthavarman who was a brahmana says that he 
married one of his daughters to a Gupta king. 34 Buddhist 
scholar Paramartha (A.D. 600) says that Baladitya, the Gupta 
king, married his sister to Vasurata, a brahmana by caste. 35 
According to the Mandasor inscription of Yas*odharman 


Bhanugupta (most probably a daughter of the Gupta king 
Bhanugupta) was the 'wife of a certain Raviklrtti, evidently a 
brahmana, who was the grandfather of Dharmadosha, the 
minister of Yasodharman. 36 

Thus, we see that three of the Gupta princesses were married 
to brahmanas. 37 There is only one instance of the Guptas 
marrying a daughter of a Kadamba king, who was a 
brahmana. 38 

It is to be noted that matrimonial alliances played a signifi- 
cant part in the foreign policy of the Guptas. Candragupta I 
rose to power by marrying the Licchavi princess Kumaradev! 
and Samudragupta accepted the offers of daughters from his 
feudatories. Thus, marriages with the most powerful and dis- 
tinguished royal families in different parts of India continued 
to be an important policy of the Guptas. 39 

Hence, the matrimonial alliances of the Guptas seem to 
have sprung from political considerations. 40 Politically the 
Kadambas were no match for the Guptas. It may be inferred 
that it was on account of political pressures or as a matter of 
pride for the Kadambas that they had married their daughter 
to the Gupta king. We can explain all the matrimonial allian- 
ces of the Guptas even without bringing political reasons in the 
picture. As we know, intercaste marriages, especially of the 
anuloma type, have been permitted by the Smrtis. In three out 
of the four cases Gupta princesses were married to brahmana 
bridegrooms. If these are taken to have been anuloma 
marriages Guptas could have belonged to any of the remaining 
three varnas. It is only the marriage of a Kadamba princess 
with a Gupta king which requires the Guptas to have been 
brahmanas, otherwise it will be a case of a pratiloma marriage. 

The Guptas do not mention their caste in any of their 
records. Had they been brahmanas they must have been proud to 
refer to it, especially because they were staunch supporters of 
Hinduism. We find a parallel in the case of Pala kings of 
Bengal who are silent about their caste since they were 

Finally Candragupta I agreed to have a joint coinage with 
the Licchavis after his marriage with the Licchavi princess 
Kumaradevl. Had the Gupta kings been brahmanas, they 


would not have agreed to have a joint coinage (bearing the 
legend 'Licchavayah\ the Licchavis) with the Licchavis who 
were Vratya ksatriyas. 41 Even if the Guptas had agreed for a 
joint coinage as a political matter, they might have objected 
the word ' Licchavayak' on the coins. More astonishing is the 
fact that even the name of the Guptas is not linked with the 
legend 'Licchavayah'. Above that, Samudragupta was ready to 
be called Licchavi-dauhitra and seems to have mentioned this 
epithet in his records as a matter of pride. 42 It may also be 
noted that Prabhavatlgupta though married to a brahmana 
king Rudrasena II, was the daughter of Candragupta II born 
of the union with a Naga princess Kuberanaga. 43 

If Guptas could do such acts out of political expediency, we ^ 
do not admit them to be orthodox brahmanas and are not ready 
to give any weightage to their matrimonial alliances as Goyal 
has done for the consideration of their caste. They were kings, 
for them all such matters were first political and then social. 44 
Kosambi also ascribes to a similar view by stating that the 
Guptas followed a series of political marriages ignoring tribal 
or caste norms. 45 

Thus we can conclude that the question of the caste of the 
Guptas cannot be said to have been finally settled. If their 
dharana gotra was not borrowed from the gotra of their 
purohita and it originally belonged to them then they must be 
described as brahmanas. We will have to wait for some more 
weighty and specific evidence to give the final verdict. 

Following are the names of the Gupta kings which we 
divide into two categories : 

A. Main rulers 

B. Other members of the dynasty 

A. Main Rulers 

1. Gupta 

2. Ghatotkaca 

3. Candragupta I 

4. Samudragupta 

5. Candragupta II 

6. Govindagupta 

7. Kumaragupta I 


8. Skandagupta 

9. Purugupta 

10. Kumaragupta II 

11. Budhagupta 

12. Narasithhagupta 

13. Kumaragupta III 

14. Visnugupta 

B. Other members of the dynasty 

1. Ghatotkacagupta 

2. Vainyagupta 

3. Bhanugupta ' 

; - 

A. Main Rulers 

1. Gupta: (No. 1, L. 28; No. 21, L. 4; No. 22, L.I; No. 47, 
L. 1; No. 49, L. 1; No. 50, L. 1; No. 51, L. 2, L. 4; 
No. 53, L. 1) : 

He was the founder of the family. We have already discussed 
his name. 

2. Ghatotkaca: (No. 1, L.28; No. 47, L.I; No. 53, LL. 1-2; 
No. 46, L. 1; No. 49, L. I; No. 50, L. I; No 40, L. 3; 
No. 21, L. 4 : 

The inscriptions name Maharaja Ghatotkaca as the successor 
of Gupta. He should not be confused with Ghatotkacagupta 
whose name occurs on some seals found at Vaisali, and also 
in the Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkaca- 
gupta (G. E. I16).*6 - 

Ghatotkaca was the name of a son of Bhima-sena by the 
RaksasI Hidimba. 47 Names based on Ghata are very rare in 
Sanskrit literature. Thus Ganesa is named Ghatodara 'pot- 
bellied'. 48 The name Ghatotkaca refers to the practice of 
bearing traditional names based on Epics and Puranas. Deriva- 
tively it means a person having a hairless head. 49 In Pracina 
Caritrakosa it has been suggested that Ghatotkaca was so 
called as his head was like a ghata (pitcher) and was hairless. 50 
Tripathi suggests on the basis of the Skanda Purana that 
Ghatotkaca was so called as he produced a loud voice while 
laughing which may be compared to the voice produced by 
thumping the pitcher quite aloud at its mouth by hands. 51 But 



the first derivation seems to be more plausible from linguistic 
point of view 52 while the other explanation may be more 
important from socio-psychological or mythological point of 

It is possible that it was the nickname of Ghatotkaca which 
might have become his famous name. 

3. Candragupta I :(No. 47, L.2; No. 53, L. 2; No. 40, L. 3; 
No. 21, L. 5; No. 1, L. 28; No. 30, L. 1) : 

While his two predecessors are each given the title of 
Maharaja, Candragupta I is described in the inscriptions as 
Maharajadhiraja, 'king of kings'. Mookerjee connects the passage 
from the Puranas defining the extent of the Gupta territory 
with the period before Samudragupta, i.e., under Candragupta 
I. 53 It has been suggested that Candasena of the play 'Kaumudi- 
Mahotsava' is to be identified with Candragupta I. The 
Licchavi alliance is the common point in the account given by 
the drama and the inscriptions. 54 Other details of the drama, 
however, do not support this identification. The drama 
condemns Candasena as an usurper and belonging to low caste 
whom the citizens of Magadha could not tolerate and drove out 
to die in exile. Linguistically also Candasena and Candragupta 
are different names. Candra can become Canda in Prakrit but 
Gupta cannot be transformed into Sena. Moreover, in the fifth 
act of the play we are informed through a character Lokaksi 
that the cursed Candasena has been killed and his royal family 
uprooted. 55 Thus we know about the total annihilation of the 
dynasty after the death of Candasena which is not applicable 
to the dynasty of Candragupta which ruled for several genera- 
tions after him. 56 The name of the deity Candra 'moon' has 
been given to this king; Gupta is the surname. It may refer 
to his handsome physical features. 

4. Samudragupta (No. 1, L. 29; No. 47, L. 3; No. 53, 
L. 3; No. 21, LL. 6-7; No. 2, L. 10; No. 40, L. 4; No. 
41, L. 1; No. 10, L. 4; No. 49, L. 3; No. 50, L. 3; No. 
13, L. 4; No. 12, L. 19) : 

He is introduced as Maharajadhiraja in all references except 
the Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II, G.E. 61 57 
where he is mentioned as Bhattarakamahciraja rajddhiraja. He 
was the daughter's son of the Licchavis, and son of Maharaja- 


dhiraja Sri Candragupta I born on the queen Kumaradevi. 58 
He has been mentioned as a 'Paramabhdgavata' (a devout 
devotee of Lord Visnu). 59 No. 2, L. 10 gives the justification 
of his name Samudragupta. 60 Mookerji says that the name 
Samudragupta was probably a title assumed after his conquests. 
It means 'protected by the sea' and may refer to his dominion 
which extended upto the sea. The Mathura Inscription of 
Candragupta II actually describes the fame of his conquests as 
extending up to the four oceans (caturudadhisalilasvaditaya- 
sasah). The name Samudragupta may be split up into two parts, 
Samudra being his personal name, and Gupta being his 
surname. This is supported by the fact that the obverse of his 
coins of standard type sometimes bears the legend 'Samudra* 
while the reverse has 'Pardkramalf as his title. The name 
'Samudra' also appears on some other types of his coins, such 
as the Archer type and Battle-Axe type. 61 Mookerji 62 holds that 
Samudragupta's personal name was Kaca and that Samudra- 
gupta was his title. But the identification of Kaca with 
Samudragupta has been rightly opposed by scholars. 63 Vamana 
in his Kavyalamkara 64 refers to Candraprakasa as the son of 
Candragupta which Goyal takes to be another name of 
Samudragupta. 65 But it seems to be the name of a local king of 
Ayodhya rather than that of a member of the Imperial Gupta 
dynasty. 66 Another probable and most suitable explanation 
of the name 'Samudragupta' may be 'protected by Lord Siva', 
Samudra being an epithet of Siva. 67 

Samudragupta is given many epithets in No. 1. Some of 
these are also supported by numismatic evidence. 68 

5. Candragupta II : (No. 30, L. I, L. 2; No. 32, L. 2; No. 
47, L. 4; No. 3, L. 1; No. 7, L. 1; No. 6, L. 1; No. 7, 
L. 10; No. 46, L. 3; No. 53, L. 4; No. 42, L. 1; No. 47, 
L. 4; No. 41, L. 2; No. 39, L 1, L. 6; No. 5. L. 3, 
L. 7; No. 20, L. 5) : 

He is mentioned as ' apratiratha\ ' paramabhagavata 1 'mahdrdjd- 
dhirdja' and a son of mahdrajddhirdja Sri Samudragupta born 
of his chief queen Dattadevi; 69 or as Bhattdraka-mahdrdjddhirdja, 
the good son of the Bhattdraka-mahdrdjddhirdja, the illustrious 
Samudragupta; 70 or in one case simply as a king (raja) in No. 
30, L. 1. In No, 46, L. 3, L. 4, his title is 'Vikramaditytf. He is 


mentioned by other names as well. Devaraja as his favourite 
name (priyanama) is mentioned in No. 5, L. 7. 71 In the Poona 
copper plate inscription of Prabhavatlgupta and the Ridhapura 
grants of Prabhavatlgupta her father's name is Candragupta. 72 
The Chammak copper plate inscription ofVakataka king 
Pravarasena II, however, names Prabhavatlgupta's father as 
Devagupta. 73 This proves that Devagupta was another name 
of Candragupta. Candragupta had a third name, Deva-Sri, 
which appears on his Archer and Conch-types of Coins. 74 No. 
32, L. 2 justifies his name Candragupta 'who is like a moon 
in the galaxy of Gupta kings with the famous name Candra- 
gupta'. 75 No. 20, L. 5 refers to his quality of handsomeness. 
'His name was Candra and he was holding the glory of a full 
moon on his face'. 76 

6. Govindagnpta : (No. 42, L. 2; No. 32, L. 3) : 

In No. 42, he is mentioned as the son of Candragupta II. His 
mother's name \*as Dhruvasvamini. No. 32 explains the basis 
of his name : "The lord of the earth, i.e. king Candragupta, 
produced a son whose exalted name was Govindagupta, who 
was as famous as Govinda (Visnu) for the glory of his virtues, 
and who resembled the sons of Diti and Aditi, i.e. the demons 
and gods." 77 The poet means that Govindagupta resembled 
demons in physical strength and valour, and gods in spiritual 

Govindagupta probably ruled as emperor between (his 
father) Candragupta II and (his younger brother) Kumara- 
gupta I. His reign could not have been more than three years, 
the interval between the last known date of Candragupta II 
(G.E. 93) and the earliest known date of Kumaragupta I (G.E. 
96). 78 P. L. Gupta assigns his short regnal period between 
A. D. 41 2 and 41 5. 79 That Govindagupta could have ruled as 
emperor only for a very short period is also evident from the 
fact that he has left no coins. Being a collateral, Govindagupta 
does not appear in the genealogical table in the inscriptions of 
Kumaragupta and his successors. 80 

It is also likely that Kumaragupta defeated or ousted 
Govindagupta and seized the throne; and after his accession, 
avoided all references to his elder brother. 81 

7. Kumaragupta /: (No. 30, L. 2; No. 53, L. 5; No. 49, L. 5; 


No. 50, L. 5; No. 39, L. 7; No. 17, L.13; No. 30, L. 4; 
No. 31, L. 1; No. 39, L. 3; No. 46, L. 4; No. 35, 
LL.1-2; No. 34, L. 2) : 

No. 30, L. 2 says that Sri Candragupta's son Kumargupta 
resembled the great Indra (Mahendra), who embraced and 
protected the whole earth. 82 In No. 53, L. 5 Kumaragupta is 
.mentioned as 'Maharajadhiraja' son of ( paramabhagavata 
j Maharajadhiraja Sri Candragupta' born of the cheif queen 
' Dhruvadevl. He has been mentioned as father of Purugupta 
and son of Candragupta II. 83 In No. 30, L.4 Kumaragupta is 
described as shining (ruling) over the earth like the Sun in the 
winter. He is called 'Paramabhattaraka' and 'Maharajadhiraja' 
in No. 31, L. I. In No. 46, L. 4 he is mentioned only by 
his title 'Mahendrdditya', and as the grandson of Samudragupta 
and son of Candragupta II. The Arya-Manju-SrI-Mulakalpa 
corroborates the title giving his name as Mahendra. 84 In 
No. 34, L. 2 he is mentioned as 'Paramadaivata', 'Parmabhatta- 
raka' and 'Maharajadhiraja*. 

Of the two parts of his name Kumara is the name of god 
Skanda (or Karttikeya) 85 and Gupta was his surname. 

8. Skandagupta (No. 15, L. 3; No. 46, LL. 7-8; No. 14, 
L. 3: No. 16, L. 3; No. 13, L. 8; No. 12, LL. 6, II, 23, 

In No. 15 he is equated with Indra. 86 In No. 46 he is 
described as equal to the Cakravartins in prowess and valour, to 
Rama in righteousness and to Yudhisthira in the matter of 
speaking the truth and in good conduct and modesty. 87 
According to some scholars 88 these are vague praises; but in 
view of his achievements these epithets seem to be richly 
deserved. In No. 14, L. 2 he is described as 'rajarajadhiraja', 
and as 'Paramabhagavata' and 'Maharajadhiraja' in No. 12, 
LL. 23, 25. 

The name is based on god Skanda which is a synonym of 

9. Purugupta (No. 47, L. 6; No. 53, L. 6; No. 49, L. 6; 
No. 50, L, 6; No. 38, L. 1) : 

We know from No. 53 that Maharajadhiraja Sri Purugupta 
was the son of Maharajadhiraja Sri Kumaragupta by his chief 
queen Anantadevi. In No. 38, L. 1 the name of the father 



and predecessor of Narasirhhagupta is spelt as Purugupta. 89 
The reading Purugupta is unmistakeable on the fragmentary 
Nalanda Seal of Narasirhhagupta and is also fairly clear 
on the seals of Kumaragupta II. The medial u sign in 
the first letter of the name Purugupta is indicated by an 
additional stroke attached to the base of the letter and the 
downward elongation of its right limb; mere elongation of the 
right limb by itself would have denoted the short medial u as 
in puttras in LL. 2 and 3. In the second letter of the name, 
viz. ru. the medial u is shown by a small hook turned to left 
and joined to the foot of r. Palaeographical considerations 
apart, the name Purz/gupta yields a more plausible-sense than 
Purugupta and fits better in the series of the grand and digni- 
fied names of the Gupta kings. The first part of the Gupta 
names constituted the real or substantive name and yielded 
satisfactory meaning independently of the latter half, viz. 
gupta, which being family surname was a mere adjunct. Pura, 
by itself is neither a complete nor a dignified name while Puru 
is both. Puru or its variant Puru may, like Vainya in Vainya- 
gupta signify the homonymous epic hero of the lunar race 
who was the ancestor of the Kauravas and the Pandavas, or 
may mean abundant or great. 90 

10. Kumaragupta II : (No. 48, L. 5) : 

Kumaragupta II was the immediate successor of Purugupta 
in the light of the data given in two dated inscriptions, viz. the 
Sarnath Buddha Stone Image inscriptions of Kumaragupta and 
Budhagupta. The first (No. 48) mentions A.D. 473 as the date of 
Kumaragupta who must, therefore, be taken as Kumaragupta II 
and the second (No. 54) mentions A.D. 476 as the date of 
Budhagupta. No. 48 records the date, Gupta year 154 91 when 
Kumaragupta was protecting the earth. 92 The renovation of the 
Sun temple mentioned in No 17, LL. 20-21 seems to have taken 
place in his reign. 93 It seems that Mookerji has by mistake, 
connected the reference 94 meant for Kumaragupta I with 
Kumaragupta II. 95 The temple was originally constructed in the 
reign of Kumaragupta I in M.S. 493=A.D. 436 (L. 19). 

11. Budhagupta : (No. 54, L. 1; No. 55, L. 2; No, 18, L. 2; 

No. 33, L. 1; No. 53, L. 8) : 
Nos. 54, 55, 18 and 33 respectively mention him as reigning in : 


G.Y. 157, 159, 163 and 165. No. 33 gives his titles as 'parama- 
daivata\ 'paramabhattdraka' and 'mahdrdjddhirdja\ In No. 53 
he is mentioned as the son of Purugupta born of the queen 
Candradevi. 96 In No. 55 his title is Mahdrdjddhirdja. Accord- 
ing to Sircar there is no space for the name of any other 
Gupta prince between Purugupta and Bhudhagupta and their 
relationship is clearly mentioned by the word 'putra 1 occurring 
at the end of line 6. 97 In other words purugupta was the 
father of Budhagupta. 

In his description of Nalanda, Hiuen Tsang says that the 
monastic establishments at that place were enriched by the 
successive endowments of Sakraditya, Budhagupta, Tathagata- 
gupta and Baladitya. 98 On the strength of this statement it has 
been suggested that Budhagupta was the son of Kumaragupta I 
who had the title of Mahendrdditya (Mahendra=Sakra). 99 
In veiw of the clear epigraphic reference to the parentage of 
Budhagupta the proposed identification must be rejected. 100 
The statement of Hiuen Tsang was based on hearsay and not 
on sound history, or else his Budhagupta is not to be identified 
with Budhagupta of the Imperial Gupta line. 

The name Budhagupta is based on Mercury. Budhism had 
quite a prominent place in the time of Budhagupta. But in view 
of the special leaning of Gupta kings towards the brahmanical 
faith we prefer to interpret Budha as referring to Mercury 
either as god Mercury (regarded as a son of Soma or the Moon) 
or as the planet Mercury. 101 

12. Narasirhhagupta : (No. 47, L. 8; No. 49, L. 7; No. 50, 

L. 7; No. 38, L. 2) : 

Narasirhhagupta has been mentioned as 'Paramabhdgavatd' and 
f Mahdrdjddhirdja 9 . Hiranand Shastri 102 says that the seal of 
Narasirhhagupta (No. 47), though not entire is valuable in 
establishing his identity as the son of Purugupta born of the 
the queen consort rl Vainyadevl and not Vatsadevl as has 
hitherto been believed. But the correct reading of the name of 
her mother is Sri Candradevi, on his seal. 103 In No. 50. L. 6 
we find his mother's name as 'VatsadevI'. In No. 49 he is 
mentioned as the father of Kumaragupta III. No. 38 describes 
the issuer of this seal, Visnugupta, as the son and successor of 
Kumaragupta III, who in his turn was the son and successor 


of Narasimhagupta. 

Narasirhha is the name of Visnu in his fourth incarnation 
(Avatara), half man and half lion who slew the demon Hiranya- 
kasipu and saved the life of Prahlada. 104 

13. Kumaragupta III : (No. 49, L. 8; No. 50, L. 8; No. 38. 
L. 3; No. 47, L. 5) : 

Kumaragupta mentioned in Nos. 49 (L. 8); 50(L. 8); 38 (L. 3); 
47 (L. 5) should be considered as Kumargupta III. He is 
described as the son and successor of Narasimhagupta and has 
been given the title of Mahardjadhiraja. 

14. Visnugupta (No. 38, L. 4) : 

Visnugupta is mentioned here as a Paramabhagavata and 
Mahdrdjddhirdja. He was the son and successor of Kumara- 
gupta III who in his turn was the son and successor of 
Narasimhagupta. Unfortunately the name of the mother of 
Visnugupta (and the wife of Kumargupta III) has been lost in 
the portion of the last line. 

The Kalighat hoard 105 contained besides Candragupta IPs 
coins those of Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta III and Visnu- 
gupta. Altekar identified Visnugupta of the coins with the 
homonymous ruler of the later Gupta family of Magadha, 
who flourished in the eighth century A.D. 106 At that time the 
learned professor had no knowledge of this seal of an earlier 

His name is clearly based on god Visnu. 

B. Other members of t he Dynasty 

1. Ghatotkacagupta : (No. 45, L. 1; No. 30, L. 3) : 
Ghatotkacagupta of No. 30 is identical with that of No. 45. 

A distinction must be made between Ghatotkacagupta and 
Ghatotkaca, the latter being the grandfather of Samudragupta. 
Unfortunately the word expressing the exact relationship bet- 
ween Kumaragupta (the ruling emperor) and Ghatotkacagupta 
(the provincial governor) is lost in the missing portion of the 
inscription. He was probably a son or younger brother of 
Kumaragupta I 107 and may have been one of the claimants for 
the throne after the death of Kumaragupta I. Altekar consi- 
ders him to be a brother of Kumaragupta. 108 

2. Vainyagupta : (No. 51, L. 5; No. 52, L. 1) : 


Vainya is the synonym for the first king 'Prthu'. 109 Hiranand 
Shastri mentions Vainya as a synonym of Kubera, the god of 
wealth. According to Sir Richard Burn Vainya was another 
name of Vajra whom Hiuen Tsang mentions as the son of 
Baladitya. He chiefly relies on the St. Petersburg dictionary 
where Vainya is derived from Vena and is connected with 
Tndra; Vajra is the thunderbolt and Vainya is a patronymic 
from Vena who is Indra. 110 But the suggested identification is 
extremely far-fetched. Vajra cannot by any stretch of imagina- 
tion be described as a synonym of Vainya. Moreover, it is diffi- 
cult to believe that Hiuen Tsang would have referred to the 
king by such a name in preference of the real name. 

In No. 51 Vainyagupta is mentioned as a paramabhagavata 
and mahdrdjddhirdja, but in No. 53 he is described as a devotee 
of Lord Siva (bhagavdn mahddevapdddnudhydta) and a mahdraja 
only. Some scholars hold the opinion that it shall be wrong to 
disconnect Vainyagupta from the Gupta family on the basis of 
the argument that the Guptas were Vaisnavas while Vainya- 
gupta professed to be a Saiva. 111 We find both the epithets 
'paramabhdgavata' and 'mahddevapdddnudhydta' for him in our 

It is interesting that even his Padadasa and Uparika are 
styled as maharajas (LL.3 and 16). His title Maharaja, there- 
fore, cannot prove that Vainyagupta was an insignificant 
prince. 112 

The legend on No. 51, though partially preserved, resembles 
in point of style the legend on the other seals of the Imperial 
Guptas. Here Vainyagupta is specifically called paramabhagavata. 
Moreover, his name, like those of other kings in the Gupta 
dynasty ends in the word Gupta. It is thus clear that Vainya- 
gupta belonged to the line of the Imperial Guptas. He seems 
to have ruled in any case over considerable parts of Bengal and 
Bihar 113 almost immediately after Budhagupta. We do not 
know anything about the relationship of Vainyagupta with 
Budhagupta and Bhanugupta of the Eran Inscription of A.D. 
510. 114 Some scholars assign him a reign of four years before 
Bhanugupta (A.D. 510). 115 

The regnal period of Vainyagupta witnessed a considerable 
decline in the power and prestige of the Imperial Guptas. The 


rise of the ruling dynasty consisting of Dharmaditya, Gopa- 
candra and Samacaradeva in Central and South-West Bengal 
in the first half of the sixth Century A.D., possibly points to 
the extirpation of Gupta rule from Bengal excepting the 
bhukti (province) of Pundravardhana (North Bengal). 116 

3. Bhanugupta (No. 19, L. 5) : 

He is known only from No. 19. His no other coin or seal has 
yet come to light. As regards the position of Bhanugupta, seve- 
ral alternatives are possible. First, he may have been a succes- 
sor of Vainyagupta and the dominions of both may have 
included parts of Eastern Malwa. Second, Vainyagupta may have 
been the lord of the eastern part of the Gupta Empire when its 
western part was being ruled by Bhanugupta. Third, Bhanu- 
gupta may have been a viceroy in the Malwa region like 
Govindagupta and Ghatotkacagupta. It is possible that he be- 
longed to the Imperial Gupta line but whether he succeeded 
Vainygupta, or the two ruled at the same time respectively 
over the western and eastern parts of the empire, is difficult to 
determine. The latter view seems more probable and this in- 
ternal dissension perhaps paved the way for the downfall of the 
empire. 117 Bhanugupta, in spite of the high encomiums paid to 
his bravery in Eran Inscription, remains a shadowy figure, and 
we do not know what was his position in the Gupta Imperial 
family, or what part he played in the dark days of the Gupta 
empire. 118 

His name is based on the god Sun 'Bhanu'. 


Following are the names of the Gupta queens available in 
our inscriptions. They have been mentioned as Mahadevis. 

1. Kumaradevi 

2. Dattadevl 

3. (a) Dhruvadevi 
(b) DhruvasvaminI 

4. AnantadevI 

5. Candradevi 

6. Sriva (tsa) devl 

7. Mitradevi 

1. Kumaradevi : (No. 1, L. 29; No. 4, L. 8; No. 10, L. 4; 


No. 12, L. 18; No. 13, L. 3; No. 21, LL. 5-6; No. 40, 

L. 4; No. 47, L. 2; No. 53, L. 2; No. 49. L. 2; No. 50, 

L. 2): 

She was the wife of Candragupta I and the mother of Samudra- 
gupta. Kumara, the basis of her name has already been ex- 
plained under Kumaragupta. 

2. Datiadevl (No. 4, L. 10; No. 10, L. 5; No. 12, L. 20; 

No. 13, L. 4; No. 47, L. 3; No. 53, L. 3; No. 49, L. 3; 

No. 50, L. 3) : 

She is mentioned as the wife of Samudragupta and the mother 
of Candragupta II. Datta means 'given' or protected. 119 We 
also find 'Datta 1 as the name-ending suffix for male names in 

3 (a) Dhruvadevi (No. 53, L. 5; No. 12, L. 21; No. 13, L.5; 

No. 49, L. 4; No. 50, L. 4; No. 47, L. 5) : 
She was the mother of Kumaragupta I and the wife of Candra- 
gupta II. Literally 'Dhruva 1 means unchangeable or constant. 
It is also the name of the polar star (personified as son of 
Uttana-pada and grandson of Manu). 120 

3 (b). DhruvasvaminI (No. 42, LL. 3-4) : 

We come to know of DhruvasvaminI only in No. 42. Lines 1-3 
mention her as the wife of Candragupta II and the mother of 
Govindagupta. As we have noticed Dhruvadevi elsewhere 
appears as the wife of Candragupta II and mother of Kumara- 
gupta I. It is not much likely that Candragupta II had two 
queens with almost identical names. As the real name of the 
two is the same (Dhruva) it would be better to hold that 
DhruvasvaminI was another name of Dhruvadevi and Kumara- 
gupta I and Govindagupta were real brothers. 

4. Anantadevl (No. 49, L. 5; No. 50, L. 5; No. 53, L. 6; 

No. 47, L. 6) : 

She is mentioned as the wife of Kumaragupta I and the mother 
of Purugupta. According to Monier Williams Ananta is the 
name alike of Visnu, esa (The Snake-god), Sesa's brother 
Vasuki; Krsna, his brother Baladeva, Siva and Rudra; and is 
also included in the list of the Visve-devas and the Arhats, etc. 

5. Candradevi (No. 47, L. 7; No. 53, L. 7) : 

The name of the mother of Budhagupta occurring at the be- 
ginning of the extant portion of line 7 is not clearly legible; it 


consists of four letters, the first of which is either ca or va and 
the second is certainly n with some subscript mark or letter; 
the third and fourth letters clearly read devyam. It is, therefore, 
highly probable that her name was Candradevl, known from 
some seals to have been the name of the queen of Purugupta. 
Hiranand Shastri takes the relevant legend to be 'Srlvainya- 
devydm' 1 ^ but regards the correct reading to be Candra in place 
of Vainya. 

No. 47 mentions Candradevl as the name of the mother of 

In No. 53 Candradevl is mentioned as the mother of Budha- 
gupta and wife of Purugupta. 

The name Candradevl is based on the god Candra (Moon). 

6. Sriva (tsa) devl* (No. 49, L. 6; No. 50, L. 6) : 

*Srlvd > is clearly legible but the terminal 'tsa 9 can only faintly 
be seen. 

She is mentioned as the wife of Purugupta and mother of 
Narasirhhagupta. 'Srlvatsa' is the name of Vinu, which literally 
means 'beloved or favourite of Sri' (LaksmI). 125 It is also a 
symbol or mark of Visnu. 126 

7. Mitradevi (No. 49, LL. 7-8; No. 50, L. 7) : 

No. 49 mentions mahadevl Sumatidevlas the wife of Narasirhha- 
gupta and mother of Kumaragupta III. Fleet read the name 
as MahalaksmidevI 127 and Hoernle as 'SrTmatidevt'. 128 But in 
No. 50 the reading is clearly 'Mitradevi'. 129 Mitra is one of the 
several names of the Solar deity. 


1. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 , L. 29, p. 28. 

2. (DX) 1 . p. 258, L. 1 

3. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Image Inscription of Budha Gupta, G.Y. 
157, CJ. 1914-15, pp. 124-125. L.I., Sarnath Budhist Stone Inscription 
of Kumaragupta II, G.Y. 154, CJ. 1914-15. 

4. Cf. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 . LL. 
28-29, p. 8 

5. It may be noted that here also the epithet Sri indicates that the 
founder's name was 'Gupta'. 

Cf. D.C. Sircar, JJ. XIX, p. 19 : "The first known king of the Gupta 
dynasty was Gupta whose son was Ghatotkaca; but when the latter's son 
Candragupta I founded an empire, his descendants always stuck to the 


name-ending gupta and soon the family became known as the Gupta 

Cf. Dashrath Sharma, Journal of the Bihar Research Society, 
XXXIX, p. 265. 

6. Srl-srimatyam : (DX) 1 . p. 215, L. 2. 

7. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 L. 28, p. 8. 

8. B.G. Gokhale, Ez. p. 28. 

9. For details of abbreviated names, places, see Agrawala, Jy., pp. 

10. Lj. Vol. LIII, part I, p. 119, and note. 

11. (DX) 1 . p. 8, note 3. 

12. GJ. XV, pp. 42-43. 

13. D.D. Kosambi, G. p. 290. 

14. See F.W. Thomas, 'The Roo t y'gup and the Guptas', UJ, 1909, pp. 

15. Book, III, chap. 10, verse 9. 

16. See also F.E. Hall's edition of H.H. Wilson's Translation, Vol. Ill, 
p. 99f. 

17. Manavadharmasastra, II, 31, Burnell's Translation, p. 20. 

18. This is shown by the appearance of the name of KumaradevI and 
her father's family on some gold coins of Candragupta I, and by the 
regular use of the epithet, ''daughter's son of Licchavi (or of a Licchavi 
king)" for Samudragupta in the genealogical passages in the inscriptions 
of the Gupta dynasty. 

19. To give other examples : 

Visnugupta is the name of the Sutrakara and Bhasyakara of the 


Arthasastra 15/1/4 FPT^T f^FT^R^FR ^ ^ ?rF3i ^ II 

Padmagupta is the name of a dramatist, the author of the Navasahasa- 


Vasugupta is the auther of the Sivasutras. 

In the Chapter XII of the Tantraloka, Chapter 37, we find clear mention 

of the brahmanic names with Gupta-endings. 

1. Atrigupta as a brahmana (dvijanma) Vol. XII, chap. 37, Karika 38. 

2. Varahagupta, Ibid., 53; 

3. Narasimhagupta, Ibid., 54; 

4. Abhinavagupta, Ibid., 56; 

5. Laksmanagupta, Ibid., 61; 

(Teacher of Abhinavagupta) 

6. Manorathagupta, Ibid., 64; 

7. Ksemagupta, Utpalagupta, Abhinavagupta, Cakragupta, Padma- 
gupta (All cousins of Abhinavagupta), Ibid., 67. 

8. Ramagupta, Ibid., 68. 

20. HJ. Vol. IX, p.131. 

21. K.D. Bajpai, Cz. p. 119 : A circular lead piece bearing the seal 
mark of Indragupta 'rano Indagutasc? inscribed in the Mauryan Brahml 
script was recovered which gave the name of a king who ruled over 


Eran about 200 B.C. 

22. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 475. 

23. Ibid., p. 436 

See Ibid., pp. 436-37, f.n. 9 : The queen refers to her paternal gotra 
rather than that of her husband's family and thus contradicts the injunc- 
tions of the Smrtis, p.439. 

24. Ibid., p. 443 

25. K.P. Jayaswal, Ay. pp. 115-16. 

26. B.C. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 25-26. 

27. NJ. 1934, p. 235. 

28. Ibid., XIX, pp. 115-16. 

Majumdar disagrees with this surmise. Some scholars have given the 
emendation 'Gupta' for the original jarto, jato, orjapto which also is not, 
however, acceptable (R.C. Majumdar; Pg. p. 197, see f.n.l). 
Hoernle while identifying the people with jafs interprets the passage as 
referring to the defeat of the Hunas by Yasodharman. 

29. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 526, f.n. 1. 

30. ZJ. Vol. VII, No. 1 (January 1965), pp. 183-85. 

31. Ibid., p. 185, f.n. 8; (Cf. Mitaksara) 

This is the view also of Baudhayana, Apastamba and Laugaksi. 

32. S.R. Goyal, D., pp. 78-81. 

33. Ibid., p. 78. 

34. Ibid., 

35. Ibid., p. 80. 

36. Ibid., p. 81. 

37. These three marriages are not of much importance as a brahmana 
can marry in any caste according to the injunctions of the Smrtis. So even 
being of lower class than brahmanas, Guptas could have married their 
daughters to the brahmanas. 

38. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 170 ; It has been suggested that Candra- 
gupta II arranged a marriage between his son and the daugther of Kaku 
(t) stha Varman, the most powerful ruler of the Kadamba family who- 
was the ruler of Kuntala, Kanarese country in the Bombay Presidency. 

39. Cf.Ibid., p. 170. 

40. Ibid., p. 169. 

41. Ibid., p. 128. 

42. Majumdar says that 'we may reasonably assume that the marriage 
of Candragupta and Kumaradevl led to the amalgamation of the Gupta 
principality with the Licchavi State, and the epithet licchavi-dauhitra was 
deliberately given to Samudragupta to emphasize his right of succession 
to the dual monarchy'. 

R.C. Majumdar, Pg. 129. 

Cf. V.S. Pathak, TJ, XIX. Pt. II, pp. 140-41: Pathak takes the meaning. 
of dauhitra in the technical sense of the Smrtis, i.e., "a person having. 
dual parentage (dvamusyayana)". 


43. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 436. Poona Copper-plate Inscription of 
Prabhavatigupta, LL. 7-10. 

44. We know that Seleucus married hrs daughter to Candragupta 
Maurya even though the Greeks used the word barbarian for non- 
Greeks, Xz, p. 91 and were not in favour of mixing with them. Marriages 
among kings attached more significance to . political than to social 

45. D.D. Kosambi, G. p. 290. 

46. GJ, Vol. XXVI, No. 11, p. 117, L. 3. 

47. Fz. p. 375, col. 1; Mahabharata, i, iii, Bhagavata Purana, ix, 
22, 29. 

48. Kathasaritsagara, IV. 165. 

49. Fz., p. 375, col. 1 ^ = the head (Mahabharata I, 155, 38). 
Ibid., p. 175, Col. 3 3^7= hairless 

50. ffl^ipR'wn^t fV^rra, ^rn^ntffa srr^r ^fr^Ffar, TO 198 

51. pf)rr srarc ferret, HiruMl^yidHicW^sn", "TO 143 

' ffa ^^ 

! fFTcTT rT W^I^fl" II ^^ 5^TT. 1.60.7 

52. In coloquial Punjabi a hairless person is called 'Roda', 'Rodu'. 
He is generally referred so in his absence but in presence called so 
in rough tone or satirically. In Bengali such a person is called 'Nyara- 
matha' and in Telugu it is called 'Gundu'. 

53. R.K. Mookerjee, Ag., p. 13 : 

"The kings born of the Gupta family will rule over the territories 
(Janapadas) situated along the Ganges (anu Ganga) such as Prayaga, 
Saketa (Oudh) and Magadha". 
, 54. Ibid., p. 14. 

56. Jagannath 'The Kaumudlmahotsava as a Historical Play. E. pp. 

57. GJ. Vol. XXI, No. 1, p. 8, L. 1. 

58. No. 1, L. 29. 

59. No. 40, L.4. 

60. No. 2, L. 10 : (5^) snre f| 

61. Ag. p. 17. 

62. Ibid., 

63. Rx., pp. 54-59. 

UJ., 1889, pp. 75-76; UJ, 1893, p. 95; HJ, 1902, p. 259; (Dx) 1 , p. 27; 

64. III. 2.2. 

65. S.R. Goyal, D., p. 209. 

66. R.C. Majumdar, Pg., pp. 155-56. 

67. Fz., p. 1166, col. 3 : 



D.C. Sircar, Hz, pp. 290-91, f. n. 4, 

68. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 40. 

69. No. 53, L. 4. 

70. No. 41, L. 2. 

71. (Dx)l, p. 32, note 1; 

Ibid., p. 33, note 6, Fleet takes it as the name of one of his 

72. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 436, 439. 

73. Ibid, p. 444. LL. 14-16. 

'T'-d I 4 ) i'H 3 cM rr iV4 ......... 1 

74. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 44-45. 

75. No. 32, L. 2 : 

76. No. 20, L. 5 : 

-1 M ^ 1 4\ 

See the appendix No. 1. 
77. No. 32, LL. 3-4 : 

78. Cf. Jagannath, f Govindagupta, a new Gupta emperor', JJ, XXII, 
pp. 286 ff. 

79. P.L. Gupta, Sx, p. 300. 

80. GJ. 27, pp. 13-14. 

81. YJ. p. 94. 

82. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 297 : 

83. Nos. 49, 50, L. 5. 

84. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 91. 

85. Fz. p. 292. 

86. No. 15, L. 3 : 

87. No. 46, LL. 4-8: 

88. GJ., XXXIII, p. 307. 

89. Purugupta was originally read as Puragupta D.C. Sircar, Hz., 
p. 330, f.n- 2. 

90. Gj. 26, pp. 237-38 : M.A. Winternitz, By. Vol. I, pp. 379-80.' From 
the Mahabharata 1, 75 and 1, 76-93, we know of the Yayati-legend which 
states that Yayati having become old demanded the youth of his sons to 
enjoy more lust, but every one declined except the youngest Puru who 
declared his willingness. Puru left his youth for Yayati. After enjoying 
the pleasures of youth for another thousand years Yayati still felt dis- 
satisfied. At last he took up the burden of his old age and returned Jiis son 
Puru his youth. He installed Puru on the throne and retired to the forest. 

91. No. 48, L. 1 3tRT^?TWrt H: ^^1 [^Rn^T 154=f. ff 473) 


92. No. 48, 1. l: ......... *rfir 

93. No. 17, LL. 20-21 : qctfvn^ T^*J f%wrfk% 1| 
|>M4*Hd 529 =$ *. 472) ; 

See also U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 59-65. 

94. No. 17, L. 13 : ......... lpRTC*n% ifofi 5T$mrfa II 

95. R.K., Mookerji, Ag., p. 109. 

96. See the appendix No. II. 

97. JJ. XIX, p. 274. 

98. S. Beal, U. II, p. 168. 

99. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 265. 

100. JJ., XIX, pp. 123-24; 
D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 331, f.n.l. 

101. Fz. p. 734 : Moreover Buddha (the name of lord Buddha) is spelt 
different from Budhagupta (one letter W in the first part of the name is 
elided). The former means 'awakened' or fully enlightened man who has 
got wisdom, while the latter means the Constellation Mercury. 

102. XJ. No. 66, p. 29. 

103. See the appendix No. II. 

104. Fz. p. 529. 

105. Allan, Z. p. CXXVI. 

106. As is known from his newly discovered inscription dated in the 
Year 117 (Harsa Era) A.D.723. 

TJ., Vol. Ill, Part I, pp. 57 ff. 

107. GJ, Vol. XXVI, p. 117. 

108. Rx, p. 186. 

109. Fz., p. 1023; Rgveda, VIII. IX. 10; JJ, Vol. VI, p. 57, note 2. 

110. XJ., No. 66, p. 29. 

111. JJ.VI, pp. 50-51. 

112. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp. 49-50. 

113. D.C. Sircar, Hz* p. 341, note 4. 

114. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 346 f. 

115. JJ.VI, pp. 50-51. 

116. Ibid., XIX, pp. 275-76; Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 210-11 

117. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 190. 

118. Ibid,, p. 191. 

119. Fz. p. 467. 

120. Ibid., p. 521. 

121. See the appendix No. II 

122. XJ. No. 66, p. 65, L. 7. 

123. Ibid., note 2 (Also see CJ. 1934-35, p. 63). 

124. See the appendix No. II. 

125. Fz. p. 1100, col. i. 

126. Ibid., 

127. HJ. XIX, p. 225. 

128. LJ. Vol. LVIII (1889), p. 89. 



129. The reading is checked by me. The name 'Mitradevi' is clear in 
No. 50, Plate VIII (e) of the seal of 'Kumaragupta III, in XJ., No. 66 
(see the plates attached in the last portion of the Journal) 

Names of Feudatory Kings and 
High Officers 


First, we analyse the names of subordinate rulers or feuda- 
tory kings dividing them into the following categories : 

Names based on Ganapati 

1. Ganapati (No. I, L. 13) : 

One of the kings said to have been uprooted by Samudragupta 
in northern India. The name violates the laws laid down by 
the Grhya-sutras which prohibit the giving of the names of 
deities to human-beings directly. 1 

2. Ganapatinaga (No. 1, L. 21) : 

Another king of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta. The 
first part is Ganapati and the second is 'naga', which signifies 
that the king belonged to the Naga dynasty. He probably 
ruled at Mathura. 2 

Names based on Moon 

1. Candravarmman : (No. 1, L. 21) : 

One of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta. 
The first part is Candra and second is 'Varmma* which is a 
form for the original term 'varman', a surname generally used 
for ksatriyas. He may be identified with the king of that name 
whose record has bee n found at Susunia in Bankura district, 
Bengal. 3 

2. Surasmicandra (No. 1 8, L. 4) : 

He is described as the ruler of the country that lies between the 
rivers Kalindi and Narmada, and governing with the qualities 
of a regent lording, one of the quarters of the world, and en- 
joying the title of a maharaja during the reign of Budhagupta. 


Literally it means 'a moon possessed of good rays'. 

Names based on Naga 

1. Nagadatta (No. 1, L. 21) : 

One of the kings of Aryyavartia defeated by Samudragupta. 
The first part is Naga which refers most likely to 'a holy ser- 
pent' and the second is 'datta' meaning given. Thus the full 
name may mean 'born by the grace of a Naga'. D.C. Sircar 
takes the compound as a Caturthi Tatpurusa instance mean- 
ing 'dedicated to a Naga'. However, the compounds are usually 
taken as Trtlya Tatpurusa instances. The names do not indi- 
cate towards bali but such names asGurudatta, Sivadatta and 
Nagadatta may exhibit reverence to Guru, Siva or Naga by 
whose worship or blessings the son was born which is attested 
to by tradition of such names. 

2. Nagasena (No. ], L. 13, 21) : 

The first part of the name is Naga and the second is sena. 
Nagasena of the L. 13 and L. 21 looks to be the same. 4 Accord- 
ing to L. 21 he was one of the kings of Aryyavartta uprooted 
by Samudragupta. In L. 13 he is mentioned as having been 
defeated by Samudragupta by the valour of his arms. He 
seems to have been an important king. 5 

Names based on Siva 

1. Rudradatta(No.52,L.3): 

He is given the designation of a maharaja and is mentioned as 
a padaddsa (slave of the feet) of Vainyagupta. The first part 
literally meaning roaring, dreadful or terrible 6 denotes Siva and 
the second 'given'; the full name meaning 'given by Lord Siva*. 

2. Rudradeva (No. 1, L. 21) : 

He is described as one of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by 
Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Rudra which 
denotes Lord Siva and the second is 'deva* which means 'god'. 
It is another name based on Lord Siva. Rudradeva has been 
differently identified by various scholars. Dr. D.C. Sircar has 
identified him with the Western Satrap Rudrasena II or his 
son Rudrasena III, while K.P. Jayaswal, K.N. Dikshit and 
R.N. Dandekar identify him with Vakataka Rudrasena I. 
U.N. Roy 7 differing with the above scholars proposes his 


identification with Vakataka Maharaja Rudrasena II, the son 
of Prthvisena I. 

3. Ugrasena (No. 1, L. 20) : 

He is mentioned as a ruler of Palakka during the reign of 
Samudragupta. Ugra meaning 'powerful mighty or terrible', is 
another name of Rudra or Siva. 8 Sena is merely a surname. 
Or we can give another explanation of the whole as Ugrd send 
asya, i.e. 'having mighty army'. 

Names based on Sun 

We find only one such name which is as given below : 

1. Prabhakara (No. 32, L. 8) : 

He is described as a king (bhumipati) and a destroyer of the 
enemies of the Gupta dynasty. He was the overlord of Datta- 
bhata. He is not known from any other source. The name of his 
capital or territory is not mentioned. Probably he was the con- 
temporary local chief of Dasapura and a feudatory ally of the 
Guptas in their struggle against the Hunas. 9 Dattabhata does 
not include in the inscription the genealogy of his master. It is 
possible that Prabhakara was a self-made man who did not 
have a distinguished ancestor worthy of record. He may have 
been appointed as a ruler of Das*apura by the paramount 
power, after the extinction of the Varman dynasty. 10 That 
Prabhakara was not a scion of the Varman dynasty would also 
appear from his name which, unlike the names of the known 
members of that dynasty, does not end in Varman. 11 The 
name violates the laws of Grhyasutras which forbid the direct 
imposition of the names of deities upon human-beings. 

Names based on Visnu 

1. Acyutanandin (No. 1, L. 21) : 

He is included in the list of kings of Aryyavartta forcefully 
uprooted by Samudragupta. Acyuta is the name of Visnu or 
Krsna, 12 and Nandin is the name of an attendant of Siva and 
also the name of Siva's bull. 13 So literally the expression would 
mean 'one who is a servant of god Visnu'. Nandin also means 
gladdening or rejoicing. 14 So it may also mean 'one who 
pleases or wins over god Visnu'. 

Acyutanandin seems to have been a ruler of Ahicchatra 



(near Bareilly district). 15 The Puranas give names ending in 
*Nandin' in the list of Naga kings and coins bearing 'Acyuta* 
have been found from Ahicchatra. 16 Therefore, it is possible 
that Ahicchatra was a seat of government of Acyutanandin. 

2. Dhanyavisnu (No. 18, L. 8) : 

He was the grandson of maharaja Indravisnu and younger 
brother of maharaja Matrvisnu. We also find his name in line 
5 of the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of the time of Toramana 
(A.D. 500-51 5 ). 17 It signifies the tendency of naming persons 
by using adjectives before the names of deities. Dhanya means 
'bringing or bestowing wealth or the opulent'. 18 

3. Harivisnu (No. 18, L. 6) : 

He was the great-grandfather of maharaja Matrvisnu. Hari 
here specifies the Krsna apparition of Visnu. 19 

4. Indravisnu (No. 18, L. 5) : 

He has been mentioned as a maharaja, great-grand-father of 
Matrvisnu; a brahmana devoted to studies and celebrating 
sacrifices and belonging to Maitrayanlya (sakha). The vedic 
counterpart is Indravisnu m. dual. 

5. Matrvisnu : (No. 18, L. 7) : 

He was the installer of the stone pillar at Eran, a maharaja, 
grandson of maharaja Indravisnu. We also find his name in 
the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of the time of Toramana 
(A.D. 500-51 5). 20 Matr stands for one of the seven Matr- 
kas 21 and may refer to the prevalence of the Matr cult. The 
name is formed by the similar process of the combination of 
the names of two deities, Matr and Visnu. Matr, if taken as a 
short form for the Vedic Matarisvan, together with Visnu 
would mean Agni and Visnu an interpretation that is relevant 
to the context. 

6. Varunavisnu (No. 18, L. 5) : 

He was the grandfather of maharaja Matrvisnu. The name is 
based on the combination of the names of two deities Varuna 
and Visnu. Varuna is the sea-god of the Vedic pantheon. 

7. Visnudasa (No. 3, L. 2) : 

Maharaja Visnudasa belonged to the Sanakanlka family. 
Visnu signifies the Lord Visnu and dasa means 'a servant*. 
Thus the whole literally means 'a servant or devotee of Lord 


8. Visnugopa (No 1, L. 19) : 

A ruler of Kafici. According to Diskalkar Visnugopa is 
undoubtedly identical with an early Pallava king of that 
name. 22 

It can be a synonym of Lord Krsna who originally an in- 
carnation of Visnu took his birth as the son of Nanda who was 
a Gopa. 

Now we study the names grouping them according to their 

Names ending in 'datta' 

1. Parnadatta (No. 14, L. 8, L. 9) : 

He is mentioned as a ruler of Surastra appointed by Skanda- 
gupta. He was the father of governor Cakrapalita. Sankalia 
considers it to be an Iranian name. 23 But it can can very well 
be an Indian name. Parna means a leaf and is as well the name 
of a tree called Palasa. We find 'Parnadatta' to be the name 
of a man in the Maitrayani Samhita. 24 It signifies 'a person 
born as a result of the worship of the Parna (Palas~a) tree'. 

2. Svdmidatta 25 (No. 1, L. 19) : 

He is mentioned as one of the Daksinapatha kings. lie was a 
ruler of Kottura and was defeated by Samudragupta. 

Literally the name means 'given by God', the first part be- 
ing Svamin and the second datta*. 

Names ending in 'Gin' 

1. Mahendragiri (No. 1, L. 19) : 

The first part is Mahendra, i.e., the great Indra and the second 
is 'giri', which means a mountain. It is also an honorific name 
later on given to one of the ten orders of the Das-nami Gosains 
(founded by ten pupils of Sankaracarya; the word giri is added 
to the name of each member). 27 We also find it used with the 
names of ascetics. 

He was one of the Daksinaptha kings defeated by Samudra- 

Names ending in Mitra 

Pusyamitra (No. 13, L.I 1,) : 
The name is mentioned in plural. 28 It is said that Pusyamitras 


who had developed great power and wealth were defeated by 
king Skandagupta. 

The other readings suggested by scholars are Puspamitra 
and Yudhyamitra. But a careful scrutiny will support the 
reading Pusyamitra as more likely. In the passages quoted by 
Biihler from the Prakrit Gathas, ascribed to Merutunga, 
Dharmasagara and Jayavijayagni 29 , the name of the early 
king Pusyamitra, the contemporary of Patanjali appears as 
Pusamitta and thus supports the reading Pusyamitra. 

Pusyamitra in plural may denote the followers of king 
Pusyamitra. Pusyamitra, the name of a tribe in Central India, 
is also mentioned in the Puranas. 

Names ending in Rajan(Raja) 

1. Devaraja (No. 5, L. 7) : 

Fleet fills up the lacuna 30 and takes Devaraja to be the 
name of an officer of Candragupta II. 31 But D.C. Sircar 
takes it as another name of Candragupta II. 32 The view 
of Sircar is more plausible and has been generally accepted by 
scholars. 33 It may, however, be noted that in Vakataka grants 
Devagupta is mentioned as another name of Candragupta II. 34 
Literally the name means 'a king of gods' which is also 
another name of Indra. 

2. Goparaja (No. 19, LL. 3, 5) : 

A feudatory cheif who is said to have accompanied the 
mighty king glorious Bhanugupta and fought a famous battle. 
Goparaja died in the battle and his wife burnt herself on the 
funeral pyre along with him. 

The inscription informs us that he was the son of a king 
named Madhava, and was the daughter's son of the Sarabha 
king, belonging to the lineage of Laksa of which he is described 
as an ornament. 

Literally the name means 'a king of the Gopas', i.e., 
milkmen or Ahlras. Raja is a surname signifying 'the king'. 

3. Mantaraja (N. 1, L. 19) : 

King of Kurula, one of the rulers of Daksnapatha defeated 
by Samudragupta. 

In this name the first part is Manta and the second is Raja. 
The meaning of the first part is not clear. It is clearly not a 


Sanskrit word. As Woolner has pointed out words with cereb- 
rals are often non-Aryan or influenced by non-Aryan elements. 35 
Another possibility is that these names show dialectal elements. 
Even now-a-days we give names like Mantu, Bantu, etc., to 
little children. There is also a possibility that the Sanskrit 
word 'mantra' meaning 'a hymn or magical formula' got 
changed to 'manta' through a process of Prakritization, or 
we may derive it from an artificial root 'mant' to act as 
intermediator. 36 

4. Nilaraja (No. 1, LL. 19-20) : 

A king of Avamukta, one of the Daksinapatha kings defeated 
by Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Nila and the 
second is raja. 

Nlla means 'of dark colour' especially blue or green or 
black 37 and is also the name of a Naga and raja is the surname 
added to it. 

5. Sarbharaja (No. i!9, L 4) : 

He was the maternal grandfather of Goparaja, the feudatory 
chief of king Bhanugupta. 

Sarabha is the name of a people and also refers to a fabu- 
lous animal supposed to have eight legs and to inhabit the 
snowy mountains; it is represented as stronger than the lion 
and the elephant. 38 The name may literally mean 'a king of 
the Sarabha people'. It may also be treated as a name based 
on an animal. 

6. Vyaghraraja (No. 1, L. 19) : 

He was the ruler of Mahakantara and was one of the kings of 
Daksinapatha defeated by Samudragupta. He has been identi- 
fied with the Vakataka feudatory prince Vyaghra whose inscrip- 
tions have been found at Nach-ne-ki-talai and Ganj in Central 
India, who is also said to have been the ruler of the Ucchakalpa 
dynasty in Bundelkhand. 39 But an objection to this view is 
that he must be a ruler in Daksinapatha as mentioned in our 
inscription and has accordingly been identified with the ruler 
of Maha-vana, a synonym of Maha-kantara, also called Jeypore 
forest in Orissa. 40 

The name is based on the animal Vyaghra, or tiger imply- 
ing that in Mahakantara his subordinate chiefs were like tigers 
and he was their ruler. The name is a good selection in the 



context of the fact that the region of Mahakantara is known to 
have been infested with tigers. 

7 raja (No. 19, L. 3) : 

The first part of the name has been damaged. He was a king 
and was the grandfather of Goparaja, the feudatory chief of 
king Bhanugupta. He was the founder of the Laksa lineage. 

Names ending in Varman 

1. Balavarmman (No. 1, L. 21) : 

One of the kings of Aryyavartta said to have been forcefully 
uprotted by Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Bala 
which means strength or power and the second part Varmman 
is a surname used for ksatriyas. The name may literally mean 
'one who protects with his power'. 
It is a name based on quality. 

2. Bandhuvarmman (No. 17, L. 15, L. 16) : 
Bandhuvarmman was the son of ViSvavarman. He was probably 
a feudatory chief, ruling at Dasapura, Mandasor in Western 
Malwa, 41 in the time of Kumaragupta I. He has been men- 
tioned as a king (nrpa) governing the city of Dasapura and 
it was under his rulership that the Sun-temple was caused to 
be built by the guild of silk-cloth weavers at Mandasor (Dasa- 
pura). The relevant lines in the inscription lay a stress on his 
name Bandhu. He is described as possessed of firmness and 
statesmanship; beloved of (his) kinsmen; the relative, as it were, 
of (his) subjects; the remover of the afflictions of (his) con- 
nections; pre-eminently skilful in destroying the ranks of (his) 
proud enemies. 42 Varman is a ksatriya surname meaning 
'the protector', the entire expression may literally be trans- 
lated as 'the protector of his relatives'. 

3. Bhimavarman (No. 26, L. 1) : 

He is mentioned as a mahdraja and seems to have been a 
feudatory king of Skandagupta. Bhima was the name of one 
of the five Pandavas (the second son of Pandu) mentioned in 
the Mahabharata. Literally the name may mean 'one who pro- 
tects by awfulness'. Bhima is also the name of Rudra-Siva, one 
of the eight forms of Siva. 43 Thus it may be a name based on 
god Siva. 

4. Hastivarmman (No. 1, L. 2) : 


A king of Vengi in the time of Samudragupta and included in 
the list of the Daksinapatha kings defeated by the latter. He 
is identical with the king of the Salankayana dynasty whose 
record has been found at Peddavegi. 44 

It is a name based on animal. The name Hastin (elephant) 
denotes fatness and valour. 

5. Visvavarmman (No. 17, L. 14) : 

A ruler (Goptr) in the time of Kumaragupta I. Literally the 
name may mean 'a protector of the world'. There is a second 
possibility that it is a name based on the deity Visnu, because 
Visva meaning all-pervading or all-containing, omnipresent, 45 
is also the name of Visnu-krsna. 

One-word names 

1. Acyuta (No. 1, L. 13) : 

It is the same as Acyutanandin mentioned in line 21. 46 It is 
the abbreviated form of the full name Acyutanandin where 
the latter part is dropped. The abridged form 'Acyuta' leads to 
the violation of the injunctions of the Dharma-sutras which 
forbid giving direct names of gods to human-beings. Acyuta is 
the name of god Visnu or Krsna. 47 

2. Chagalaga (No. 3, L. 2) : 

A maharaja, grandfather of a maharaja whose name in line 2 is 
illegible and who belonged to the Sanakanika tribe or family, 
who was a feudatory of Candragupta II. We find the word 
Chagala literally meaning 'a hegoat' 48 in the Unadi-sutras of 
Panini where it is the name of a Rsi. 49 It seems to be a non- 
Aryan word. The words Chagala, Chagalaka or Chagalaga 
mean the same. 50 

3. Damana(No. 1, L. 19) : 

A ruler of Erandapalla who was one of the Daksinapatha kings 
conquered by Samudragupta. We get this name in the Maha- 
bharata and the Puranas. Literally the word daman means 
'taming, subduing, overpowering'; 51 hence the name may mean 
'one who subdues or overpowers others'. 

4. Dhananjaya (No. 1, L. 20) : 

A ruler of Kusthalapura and one of the Daksinapatha kings 
defeated by Samudragupta. The name has some connection 
with the Epic. In the Mahabharata Dhananjaya is one of the 


epithets of Arjuna 

Literally it would mean, 'one who wins a prize or booty or 
acquires wealth'. 

5. Kubera (No. I, L. 20) : 

Ruler of Devarastra mentioned in the list of the kings of 
Daksinapatha who were defeated by Samudragupta. According 
to Bhandarkar Kubera was perhaps the father of Kubera-naga 
of the Naga family, who was a queen of Candragupta II. 52 In 
this case the name of Kubera, the god of wealth, has been 
given directly which is against the rules prescribed by the 
Grhya-sutras. 53 

' 6. Madhava (No. 19, L. 3) : 

Father of Goparaja, the feudatory of Bhanugupta; born of 
Laksa lineage. It is the name of Lord Krsna given to this king 
which violates the rules of Dharmasutras. 

7. Matila(No. 1, L. 21) : 

One of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta. 
According to Panini, 54 a polysyllabic name was sometime 
shortened in order to express affection. Thus in the case of 
names ending in 'ila' we find Devila being derived from Deva- 
datta; Yajnila and Yajnadatta; Makhila from Makhadeva; 
Agila from Agnidatta ; Satila from Svatidatta; Nagila from 
Nagadatta, and Yasila, Yakhila from Yaksadatta. 55 Similarly 
Matila can be formed from Matideva or Matidatta. 


1. Amrakarddava (No. 5, L. 5) : 

Hailing from Sukuli-desa who loyally served Candragupta 
II by fighting and winning many battles for him. 

The first part of the name is based on the mango tree. 
The second part is karddava. 56 It is the name of some Nagas 
or serpent-demons thought to be inhabitants of the lower 
regions. 57 Kadru is the name of the mother of serpents. 
Kadrava by metathesis becomes Karddava which literally 
means 'born of Kadru'. In south, among aboriginal people 
and lower castes, the practice of matriarchal names is well 
known. The whole term 'Amrakarddava' is inexplicable as one 
word. Amra seems to be his personal name and Karddava his 
family title. 


2. Harisena(No. 1, L. 32) : 

He is given several titles indicating offices held of a Khddya- 
tapakika, 58 a Sdndhivigrahika, a Kumdrdmdtya and a Mahdda- 
ndandyaka of Samudragupta. He is also the composer of this 
inscription which has been termed as a kdvya. 59 

Hari is Visnu or Krsna and sena is to be obtained from 
Sanskrit sena. The name can be explained in two ways. 
That Hari is his personal name and sena or sena his surname. 
We may also explain it is, 'one with Hari as his army'. The 
Mahabharata informs us that there was big army on the side 
of the Kauarvas and there was only Hari, i.e., Lord Krsna on 
the side of the Pandavas. The Paridavas could get Hari on 
their side by foregoing the Yadava army to the Kauravas. 

3. Vlrasena (No. 6, L.4) : 

Hailing from Pataliputra he was Candragupta IPs minister 
for peace and war by hereditary right 60 and accompanied the 
king on his far-reaching military expeditions. The first part is 
Vira which means 'brave' and the second is 'sena\ the whole 
literally meaning 'one with a brave array'. Panini refers ta 
Sendnta names in his Astadhyay!. 61 We find many such 
names as Varisena, Rstisena, Bhlmasena and Ugrasena. 62 
U.N. Roy conjectures the possibility of the composition 
of the 'Prasasti 9 inscribed on the Meharauli Iron Pillar 
Inscription by aba alias Vlrasena who was an accomplished 
poet and a favourite minister of Candragupta II, Vikrama- 
ditya. 63 It is possible that he outlived his patron and when 
during a Dharmaydtrd he revisited the spot where the lofty 
banner had been raised as a mark of homage to Lord Visnu 
after the victory over the Vahlikas, was moved to compose- 
and inscribe this Prasasti on the Meharauli Pillar. 64 

Names of Commanders 

1. Dattabhata (No. 32, L.7) : 

A son of Vayuraksita, himself also a general of the armies 
of king Prabhakara (appointed by him). We find here the word 
'datta' used as the first part of the name. The second part is 
'bhata* which means a 'warrior'. 

2. Dhruvabhuti (No. I, L. 32) : 

He was a mahadandanayaka and is mentioned in the 



Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. The first part is 
dhruva which means 'firm' or definite and the second part is 
bhuti which means 'wealth or prosperity', a surname generally 
used for Vaisyas. Literally it would mean 'whose prosperity is 

3. Gopasvamin (No. 40, L. 11; No. 21, L--I5): 

In No. 40, he has been mentioned as aksapatalddhikrta, mahd- 
pilupati and mahabaladhikrta. The Gay a spurious copper plate 
inscription of Samudragupta (No. 21) was written by the order 
of Dyuta-gopasvamin, aksapataladhikrta of another village. 
Literally Gopasvamin means 'Lord of herdsmen' which is a 
popular expression for Lord Krsna. 

4. Harisena(No. 1,L. 32):" 

He has been mentioned as a mahadandanayaka in the Allaha- 
bad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. His name has already 
been explained among the names of ministers. 

5. Tilabhattaka^ (No. 1, L. 33) : 

He was a mahadandanayaka and is mentioned in the Allahabad 
Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. 

We find personal names with their first part as 'Tilakq 1 but 
never as T/7#'. 66 In the present case also the first part of the 
name was probably 'Tilaka' and the second was bhatta. Later 
on by the process of metathesis the name may have become 

Tilaka is a mark on the forehead (made with coloured 
earths, sandal-wood, or unguents, either as an ornament of a 
sectarial distinction), 67 the second part ' bhatta' is a surname. 

6. Vayuraksita (No. 32, L. 5) : 

He was a commander of the army (sendpati). The first part 
of the name is Vayu standing for 'the god of the wind', 69 and 
the second part is 'raksittf which means 'protected'. The full 
name literally. means 'protected by the god of the wind'. 

Names of Governors 

1. Brahmadatta (No. 33, L. 2) : 

An Uparika-mahdraja ruling over the Pundravardhana-bhukti 
in the reign of Budhagupta. The name would literally mean, 
*given by (the grace of) God'. 

2. Cakrapdlita (No. 14, L. 11, L. 27) : 


Governor of Surastra in the reign of Skandagupta who restored 
the break in the Sudarsana lake and renewed the embankment. 
It has been shown by Charpentier that he was an Iranian. 70 
We find many Iranians adopting names after Hindu gods. 71 
Cakrapalita means 'one protected by the disc (bearer)', i.e., a 
devotee of Visnu, a name adopted after this person became a 
Vaisnava (Hindu). 72 

3. Ciratadatta (No. 34, L. 2, L. 3) : 

The first part Cirata can be a Prakritization of the word Kirata 
which is the name of Siva (the god Siva in the form of a wild 
mountaineer or Kirata as opposed to Arjuna). 73 Hence the 
complete expression would literally mean 'begotton by the 
grace of Kirata'. 

4. Jayadatta(No. 33, L. 3) : 

It is the name of an Uparika-mahdrdja in the reign of Budha- 
gupta. Jaya is the name of Arjuna (son of Pandu). 74 The 
second part 'datta' is a surname. It may thus be a name based on 
the Epic. It may also be noted that Jayadatta was the name of a 
Bodhisattva. 75 

5. Vijayasena (No. 52, L. 16) : 

He was a dutaka, mahdpratihdra, a mahapllupati, an uparika of 
five adhikaranas , an uparika over a pati, an uparika over a 
purapala, a mahardja and Sn mahdsdmanta during the reign of 
Vainyagupta. The name can literally mean *one whose army 
always wins'. 

Names of ' Kumdrdmdtyas 

1. Kulavrddhi (No. 44, L. 1) : 

One of the Kumdrdmdtyas in the time of Kumaragupta I. This 
is a very good name which literally means 'one who increases 
the family'. A son is always considered to continue the genea- 
logical sequence and hence to increase the family. 

2. Prthivisena* 77 (No. 39, L. 7) : 

The son of Sikharasvamin, the minister, and the kumdrdmdtya 
mahdbalddhikrta of Candragupta II. He himself was the minis- 
ter, the kumdrdmdtya and mahdbaiddhikrta of Kumaragupta I. 
His grandfather was Visnupalitabhatta, 78 the son of Kuramara- 
vyabhatta 79 of the gotras Asva and Vdjin and who was a teacher 
of Chandoga (Veda). 



3. Revajjasvamin (No. 52, L. 17)': 

A kumaramatya in the time of Vainyagupta. The first partis 
Revajja and the second svamin. Revajja can be derived from 
revat which means rich or prosperous. 80 Thus the name would 
literally mean 'master of the rich'. 

4. Sikharasvamin (No. 39, L. 6) : 

He was the minister and the kumaramatya of maharajadhiraja, 
illustrious Candragupta II and was the son of Visnupalita- 
bhatta, the son of Kuramaravyabhatta, a teacher of the Chan- 
doga (Veda). 

Sikhara means a peak or summit of a mountain, hence the 
whole may literally mean 'one who is a master of sikhara\ The 
name seems to represent Lord iva due to Siva's connection 
with the Himalayas. 

5. Vetravarman (No. 34, L. 4; No. 35, LL. 3-4) : 

A kumaramatya in the time of Kumaragupta I. Vetra means 
the rod or mace of an officer, or staff of a door-keeper. 81 So 
the whole will literally mean 'one who protects by means of a 

Names of Ayuktakas (Commissioners or District collectors) 

1 Acyutadasa (No. 43. L. 1) : 

Acyuta is the name of Lord Visnu. So the present name would 
literally mean 'a dasa or servant of Visnu'. According to the 
smrtis the surname dasa should be used for Sudras. 82 

*2. Bhamaha (No. 52, L. 17) : 

He has beerr mentioned as a bhogika in this inscription. It was 
also the name of the author of the Alarhkara-s'astra and of the 
Prakrita-manorama (commentary on the Prakrita-prakaSa) 83 
Literally the name may mean 'one possessing great light, 
splendour or brightness'. 

3. Candragupta (No. 40, L. 12) : 

He is mentioned as a kumdra.^ This name has already been 
explained among the names of the Gupta kings. 

4. Devabhattaraka (No, 37, L. 3) : 

He is mentioned to have ruled over the visaya of Kotivarsa. 
The name is based on the name of Lord Sun. Devabhattaraka 
seems to be a metathesis of Bhattarakadeva which means 'The 
god Bhattaraka'. 


5. $a(ga)ndaka (No. 36, L, 3) :. . 

D.C. Sircar takes the reading to be Gandaka which seems to 
be correct. 85 One scholar 86 equates Sandaka with Sandaka 
which means a 'bull' and. says that the word Gandaka yields 
no sensible meaning. But Gandaka has been accepted as the 
most probable reading by scholars. 87 Gandaka is the name of 
a river in the northern part of India, 88 So the name Gandaka 
based on the river Gandaki can be given to a person just as the 
name Ganga based on the river Ganges is given to a person. 
Gandaka is also the name of the Videhas living on the river 
Gandaki 89 and also refers to a rhinoceros. 90 It is possible 
that the present name, like Vyaghra discussed elsewhere is 
based on the name of an animal. 

6. Sarvvanaga (No. 16, LL. 4-5) : 

He was a visayapati in the. reign of Skandagupta. Sarvva is the 
name of Lord &iva 91 and naga may be a surname indicating 
that the person belonged to the Naga tribe. 

7. Svayambhu(u)deva (No. 37, I* .4) 

He has been mentioned as a Visayapati in the Damodarpur 
copper plate inscription of Bhanugupta. Literally the name 
would mean -self-existent god', i.e., Brahma. As mentioned 
earlier the practice of giving names of gods to human-beings 
directly is against the tradition of th^Dharmasutra^/ 

.M :"'".. ,,..;;' 


1. Cf. ManavaGrhyasutra, L18.1-2;jRrFf 
^TFTR^T sr^r^r srfgrfq^ i \ ^\] , . 
: 2. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 141. 
,3. Ibid. 

4. Cf.No. l, L. 13 : 

.5. No. l, L. 21 : ^s^-TrPcr^r-i M i* TI t 

4 4-H T^^ =h I W ?=l Td r TT5T-5Rr^T t iiY^cr^ \<W%3: \ Cf. see note 15. 

6. Fz. p. 883, col. 1 

7. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 69-73. 

8. Fz. p. 172, col. 2, M.N. Sircar, 'Saivism'., vide Ky. pp. 316-35. 

9. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 408 : 


We know that the Hunas were thereatening to, |nyade the western 
portion of the Gupta Empire about this time. 

10. To which Naravarman of the Mandasor inscription of M.E. 461, 
Visvavarman of the Gangdhar inscription of M.E. 480 and Bandhuvarman 
of the Mandasor inscription of M.E. 493 belonged. See GJ. XII, p. 315 ff, 
(Dx^No. 17 and 13. 

11. GJ. Vol. 21, pp. 14-15. 

12. Fz. p. 9, col. 2. 

13. Ibid., p. 527, col. 1-2. 

14. Ibid., col. 2. 

15. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 139-40; 

Acyutanandin seems to be the same as Acyuta mentioned in L, 13 
of the inscription. Some scholars opine that Acyuta, Nagasena and 
others attacked the newly anointed king but were uprooted by Samudra- 
gupta (PJ., Suppl., pp. 24, 27, 37). We cannot give any definite reason for 
the repetition of these names but it may be said that Samudragupta 
exterminated them again' in "his Aryyavartta campaign. 

16. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 36. 

'The Nagas, of Padmavati give a prominent position to Siva's emblem 
Tri'sula and vehicle Nandin, on their coins'. 

Ibid., pp. 39-40 : A king named Acyuta had risen to power in 
Ahicchatra (Rohilkhand) by the middle of 4th century A.D. From his 
coinage it is clear that he was a Naga ruler, most probably a scion of a 
collateral branch of Mathura family. He offered stubborn resistance to 
Samudragupta but it proved of no avail. His kingdom was incorporated 
in the Gupta empire. 

17. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 421. 

18. Fz. p. 509, col. 1. . 

19. Ibid., col. 3, Hari is name of Visnu-Krsna (in this sense thought 
by some to be derived from V'hr' to take away or remove evil or sin). 

20. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 421. 

21. Fz. p. 807, col. 1. 

22. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. vol. I, part II, p. 33; Cf. R-C. Majumdar, Pg. 
p. 145. 

23. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 105. 

"His name yields no sensible meaning, and seems to be "an Indiarii- 
zation of an Iranian name Farna-data which represents an old Iranian 
name Xvarenodata, meaning 'created by Majesty'; a name of the same 
type as Ahura-data." 

24. Fz. p. 606, col.. 2; Cf. Lith. sparne; H. Germ, varn, farn; A rgl 
Sax. fearn, Eng. fern; Skt. parna (leaf); Xz. p. 437. 

25. See the appendix III. 
, 26. Ibid. 

27. Fz. p. 355, col. 2. 

28. No. 13, L. 11 : *r*Tfar-r(?r)-^9rT (^fTat^) (fa) c^rr... 

29. HJ. Vol. 11, p. 362 f.n. 



31. (Dx) 1 . p. 32. 

32. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 281, f. n. 8. 

33. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 165-66. 

34. R.K. Mookerjee, Ag. pp. 44-45. 

35. A.C. Woolner, 'Prakrit and non-Aryan strata in the vocabulary of 
Sanskrit', vide Kz. p. 70. 

36. Fz. p. 775, col. 2. 

37. Ibid., p. 566, col. 1. 

38. Ibid., p. 1057, col. 2 :3rfcreTH-fa tl I H fol *'t?T, ^fto 1286 : ?n;?r: 
Trftr^cH i <* ^ts&dn i <f<T i 

39. JJ. Vol. I, p. 251; R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 146. 

40. MJ. I, p. 228. 

41. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p! 174. 

42. No. 17, LL. 14-15 : d^k*H: ^TH^lMMWl SRjfsnft s^r 

fs5rf%^T? JT<T-5R:R"rf fe (*) ^-T5T-Tq^^T: ||26ti 

43. Fz. p. 758, col. 1. 

44. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145. 

45. Fz. p. 992,col.2. 

46. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 139. 

47. Supra, See note 15. 

48. srr^TllMR'-dlHh^ 7 )^!, 9^0^275^ sr 

49. S.C. Vasu, Og. Vol. I. p.*645. 
Cf. Jz. p. 63. 

50. Fz. p. 404, col. 1. 

51. Ibid., p. 469, col. 3. 

52. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 34. 

53. Supra, See fn.l. 

54. Panini, V.3.78; V.3.79; V 3.80. 

55. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191. 

56. O. pp. 371-72, Panini 6/4/147. 

57. Fz. p. 270, col. 2. 

58. As told by D.C. Sircar, a recent suggestion is that it is a mistake 
for Khadyakutapakika. 

59. No. I, LL. 31-32. 

60. Strqq-xiid-^lfc ^ ...I 

61. IV.1.152; 

Also see VIII. 3.99. 

62. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 186. 

63. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 27. 

64. Ibid., pp.25-26. 

65. Infra, see Tilabhattaka' among the names of writers and 

66. Fz. p. 448, col. 12. 

67. Ibid., col. 2. 



68. No. 32, L. 5 : 

69. Fz. 942, col. 2. 


70. See J. Charpentier, UJ. 1928, pp. 904-5. 

71. Moti Chandra, (XJ) 1 . Vikrama Samvat, 2000, p. 184. 

72. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 105. 

73. Fz. p. 283, col. 3 : Bharavi wrote a Mahakavya named Kiratarju- 
nlyam based on this theme; 

D.C. Sircar, JJ. XIX, p. 13. Ciratadatta Sanskrit kiratadatta 

74. Mal.abharata, IV.5. 35. 

75. Fz. pp. 412-13. 

76. Kumaramdtya is a technical official title and literally means 'coun- 
sellor of the prince'; 

Cf. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 281-82. 

77. No. 44, L. 1 iTfacftffr ^rTi^rere-aft^ iT*rerer v*ft $*\\<w\&\ (s) 

78. Explained in Chapter V, see names ending in Bhafta. 

79. Ibid. 

80. Fz. 888, col. 1. 

81. Ibid., p. 1015. col. 1. 

82. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 103. 

83. Fz. p. 753, col. 1. 

84. No. 40, L. 12 : ^-sfM^rTO: I 

85. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, note 1. 

86. GJ. XV, p. 138. 

87. R.B. Pandey, Wx. p. 107, note 4. 

88. Fz. p, 344, col. 2. 

89. Ibid. 

90. Ibid., sfFmri^P^TPTpin^r ^ft<> 1287 : 

91. Fz. p. 1057, col. 1. 


Names of Local Officers 


1. Ccha(cha)ndaka (No. 46, L.. 12) : 

He is mentioned as the youngest son of a certain Hari-sresthin. 
Chandaka means 'charming'. It was the name of Gautama 
Buddha's charioteer. 1 

2. Dhrtipala (No. 34, L. 5; No. 35, L. 4) : 

It is the name of a nagara-srestliin (the guild-president of the 
town). The first part of the name is based on the virtue 'DhrtV 
(which mean firmness, resolution or command). 2 The second 
part is Pala which means a guard, protector or keeper. 3 The 
complete expression means 'an observer of firmness'. . 

3. Hari-sresthin (No. 46, L. 1 1) : 

He was the son of Kaivarttisresthin. While he and his father 
are called sresthins, none of his sons is called sresthinor banker 
by profession. Hari is the name of god Visnu or Krsna. 

4. Kaivartti-sresthin (No. 46, L. 11) : 

Kaivarta is a fisherman (born of prostitute by ksatriya or of an 
Ayogava female by a Nisada father). 4 We may infer that his 
mother was from the family of a fisherman and father belonged 
to a Sresthin class. 

5. Ribhupdla (No. 36, LL. 3-4; L. 5, L. 14; No. 37, L. 4) : 
The orthographic change in the first letter is to be noted. 5 
Ribhu here may mean property or wealth. 6 The whole may 
thus mean, c a protector of property or wealth'. In No. 36 
Ribhupala has been mentioned as a nagara-sresthin. In No. 37 
he is also described as Aryya. 

6. Srldatta (No. 46, LL. 11-22) : 

He was the eldest son of Hari-sresthin and the grandson of 
Kaivartti-sresthin. Sri is the goddess of wealth and datta means 
given. The whole expression will mean, 'born by the grace o f 


the goddess of wealth'. 

7. Vargga, Vargga-gramika (No. 46, L. 12, L. 15) ,: 
He was the middle son of Hari-^resthin. In L. 12 he is men^ 
tioned only as Vargga and in L. 15 as Vargga-gramika,- While 
his father is called a sresthin he was not sresthin or banker by 
profession. The word gramika affixed to Vargga's name suggests 
that he was the headman of a village which seems to be no 
other than Avadara. Vargga literally means *one who excludes 
or removes or averts'. 7 


1. Dhrtimitra (No. 34, L. 5; No. 35, L. 5) : 

It is a name based on virtue, the first' part being Dhrti 'per- 
severance' and the second' part 'mitrtf friend, the whole mean- 5 
ing 'one who is friendly to perseverance', i.e., a man' full of 
perseverance. Names ending in mitra 8 are very few 'in the 
Vedic literature but seem to have been very popular in the 
post-Paninian period. Coins 9 as well as the epigraphic records 
show an abundant use of m/fra-ending names. 10 

2. Matidatta (No. 37, L. 5) : 

It is also a name based oil virtue, the first part being 'rnati 9 
intellect and the second 'datta\ the whole meaning, 'begotton 
by virtue of intellect'. 

3. Varadatta (No. 36, L. 4) : 

The first part is Vara meaning boon and the second is dattal 
the whole meaning 'begotton by a boon'. Names ending in 
datta were very popular in the time of Patanjali and figure 
much in ancient Pali works. 11 It is a vaisya name-ending. 


We get only one name of a kuhka which occurs four times 
in an inscription. 

Bhlma (No. 43, LL. 3; 17, 19, 25) : 

It is a name based on the Epic tradition. Bhlma was the name 
of one of the five Pandavas in the Mahabharata and literally 
means 'dreadful'. 

1. Sambapala (No. 34, LL. 5-6; No. 35, L. 5) : 


The first part of the name Samba is to be derived from Samba 
which literally means accompanied by Amba (Durga) and is 
the name of Lord Siva. 12 It has been the name of a son of 
Krsna and JambavatI as well as of several authors and teachers. 13 
Pala is a name-ending suffix having the least significance in the 
present case. Perhaps it has been added only to honour the 
Grhyasutra injunction of not giving names of deities directly 
to human-beings. 14 

2. Skandapala (No. 37, L. 5) : 

Skanda is the name of Karttikeya. Pala here is a mere name- 
ending suffix which has the same significance as in the case of 
Sambapala discussed above. 

3. Viprapala (No. 36, L. 4) : 

The first part is vipra which means a brahmana and the second 
part is 'pala 9 which means 'protector', the whole thus meaning 
'one who protects the brahmanas'. We do not get pala name- 
ending in the Paninian period. It is a ksatriya name-ending. 


1. Devadatta (No. 43, L. 3): 

The first part of the name is deva and the second is datta, the 
whole meaning 'given by the gods'. This name was very popu- 
lar in the time of Patanjali. 15 

2. Krsnadasa (No. 43, LL. 3-4) : 

The first part is based on the name of Lord Krsna and the 
second part is dasa which means a servant, the whole thus 
meaning 'one who is a servant of Lord Krsna'. 

3. Laksmana (No. 43, L. 3) : 

It is a name based on the Epic tradition. Laksmana was the 
younger brother of Rama and his name literally means 'endowed 
with auspicious signs or marks, lucky, fortunate'. 16 

4. Naradatta (No. 52, L. 18) : 

The first part is Nara which here means the primeval man or 
eternal spirit pervading the universe, i.e.,Purusa (always associa- 
ted with Narayana 'son of the primeval man'). Both Nara and 
Narayana are considered as gods or sages and accordingly 
called devau, rsi, tapasau. 17 The second part is datta, the whole 
meaning 'given by the eternal spirit pervading the universe'. 
He seems to have been a scribe belonging to the office of the 



minister for peace and war. 18 

5. Prabhucandra (No. 43, L. 3, L. 25) : 

The first part is Prabhu which is one of the names of Lord 
Siva in the Mahabharata. 19 The second is candra, the whole 
meaning 'a moon, (on the forehead) of Siva. 20 

6. Rudradasa (No. 43, L. 3, L. 25) : 

The first part is Rudra which is another name of Lord Siva, 
and the second is dasa meaning 'a slave or servant'; the whole 
thus means 'one who is a servant of Lord Siva'. 

7. (Vinayada)tta (No. 43, L. 3) : 

The first part is Vinaya and the second is datta. It is a name 
based on virtue. It may literally mean, 'born by virtue of 
modest speech or prayer'. 


(Chief Record-keepers) 

1. Bhatanandin (No. 37, L. 11) : 

The first part is Bhata and the second is nandin. Bhata here is 
the name of a serpent-demon. 21 The whole means 'one who is 
an attendant of Bhata'. The other meaning of Bhata is scholar 
which is not applicable here. 

2. Divakaranandin (No. 28, L, 10) : 

The first part is 'Divakara' (day-maker), which is another name 
of god Sun. 22 Nandin here is a name-ending suffix literally 
meaning 'the happy one' and is the name of Visnu, Siva and 
an attendant of Siva. This name-ending was not known in the 
time of Panini. According to Sankalia names directly after 
deities were probably after the family-god, 23 which in the pre- 
sent case seems to have been Siva. It is possible that the first 
part of the name was connected with same deity and than the 
name of the family-deity was added as the name-ending surname. 
The word nandin is generally used to refer to 'an attendant 
of Siva' or the vdhana 'nandin 9 bull of Siva. So the name 
Divakarnandin may literally mean 'an attendant of god Sun'. 
The word Nandin also means 'gladdening'. 24 So another inter- 
pretation can be 'one who pleases or wins over Lord Sun'. 

3. Gopadatta (No. 37, L. 11) : 

The first part is Gopa and the second is datta. Gopa literally 
meaning cowherd is a syno.nym for Lord Krsna. 25 So it would 


mean 'born by the grace of Lord Krsna'. Names ending in datta 
are common in Buddhist literature. 26 
4. Nara(na)ndin (No. 37, L. 10) : 

The first part Nara here means the primeval or eternal spirit 
pervading the universe, 27 the second part is nandin; the whole 
meaning 'one who is an attendant of Nara'. It may also mean 
'one who pleases or wins over Nara' or the one pleasing (other) 

NAMES OF PUSTAPALAS (Record-keepers) 

Names ending in Dasa 

1. Arkkadasa (No. 44, L. 10) : 

Arkka is the name of god Sun 28 and dasa means servant; the 
whole meaning 'one who is a servant of god Sun'. 

2. Haridasa (No. 28, L.10) : 

The first part is Hari which means 'god'. It is a name 
given to many gods, 29 but generally it is used for Visnu or 
Krsna. The second part is dasa. The whole literally means 
'one who is an attendant of Hari'. 

3. Patradasa (No. 36, L. 6, L. 8) : 

Patra means a letter or documents, and dasa means 'a 
servant'. Thus the whole may literally mean, 'one who is a 
servant to letters or documents' which is a very befitting name 
for a record-keeper. 

4. Ramadasa (No. 28, L. 10) : 

The first part is Rama which refers to Lord Rama of the Epic 
Ramayana and the second is dasa, the whole meaning 'a 
servant of Lord Rama'. 

Names ending in Datta 

1, Durgadatta (No. 44, L. 10) : 

Durga is the name of a goddess who is worshipped in 
navaratras, datta means 'given', the whole- meaning 'given by 
goddess Durga'. 

2. Risidatta (No. 34, L. 10) : Risidatta* (No. 35, L. 7) : 
We get this word in above two forms but the first form is 
more accurate though not fully correct due to orthographic 
differences. The correct form should be 'Rsidatta'. The first part 
'JRsi 9 means 'a sage' and 'datta' means given, the whole 


meaning 'given by (the grace of) a sage'. 

3. Vibhudatta (No. 34, L. 10; No. 35, L. 7) : 

'Vibhu' means all-pervading, and is applied to the names of 
several important gods, Brahma, Visnu, Siva, the Sun, Kubera 
and Indra 32 and 'datta* means 'given'. The whole thus literally 
means 'given by the all-pervading, i.e., God'. 

4. Visnudatta (No. 36, L. 9) : 

The first part is Visnu and the second d#/ta,the whole thus 
literally meaning, 'given by god Visnu'. 

Names ending in Nandin 

1. Jayanandin (No. 34, L. 10; No. 35, L. 7) : 
Jaya is the name of Indra, 33 and nandin means 'an atten- 
dant', the whole meaning 'one who is an attendant of Lord 
Indra' or by the other meaning explained elsewhere, 34 it. may 
mean 'one who pleases or wins over Indra'. 

2. Sasinandin (No. 28, L. 10) : 

The first part is Sasi meaning moon and .the second is nandin, 

the whole literally meaning 'one who is an attendant of 

the god Moon' or the one who pleases or wins over god Moon. 

3. Simhanandin (No. 43, L. 4; L. 17) : 

The first part Simha means, lion, may indicate the lion of 
goddess Durgd. The second part is nandin, the whole thus 
meaning 'an attendant of Simha' or the one who pleases or 
wins over 'Simha'. It may be noted that in Hindu religion the 
vahana f of a god is equally important and and is -an- object of 
worship. ' 

4. Sthdnunandin (No. 36, L. 10) : 

The Sanskrit form of the first part Sthanu is sthanu. It is the 
name of Lord Siva (who is supposed to remain as motionless 
as the trunk of a tree during his austerities). 35 Nandin means 'an 
attendant'. The whole thus literally means 'one who is an 
attendant of Lord Siva 36 or the one who pleases or wins over 
Lord Siva. 

5. Vijayanandin (No. 36, L. 9) : 

Vijaya is the name of god yama, 37 according to the lexi- 
cographical works, of a son of Jayanta (son of Indra), of a son 
of vasu-deva; of a son of Krsna and of an attendant of Visnu, 
and nandin means 'an .attendant', or the one who pleases or 


wins over lord Yama. This name has been very frequently used 
in ancient literature. 38 We are not sure to what god the name 
connotes the meaning. 


1. Dhrtivisnu (No. 28, L. 10) : 

The first part is Dhrti which means resolution or satisfac- 
tion. It is a name based on virtue. The second part Visnu gives 
no meaning to the first part; it has only been added probably 
as the family deity. 39 

2. Virocana (No. 28, L. 10) : 

It is the name of the god Sun, literally meaning 'illumina- 
ting'. 40 It is thus a case of the name of a god directly given 
to a man which is against the rules prescribed by the Smrtis. 

3. Yasodama (No. 43, L. 4, L. 17) : 

Yasas means fame and dama means a garland, 41 the whole 
thus meaning 'a garland of fame'. It was used as a proper 
name quite frequently in ancient period. 42 


1. Ganda (No. 43, L. 4) : 

According to lexicographers Ganda means 'the chief; best, 
excellent' 43 and thus can signify a hero. The term is also used 
for the animal rhinoceros, so it can also be a case of a name 
based on the name of an animal. 

The custom of deriving names from animals was unknown 
in the Vedic pericd. 44 But in Panini we find such references. 45 

2. Harisimha (No. 43, L. 5) : 

The first part is Hari which is the name alike of Visnu, 
Krsna, Moon, Vayu (the god of the Wind) and according to 
lexicographers of Siva. 46 The Second part 'sirhhcf has the 
purpose only of a surname and does not give any sensible 
meaning to the first part. In modern practice the word 'simha* 
is used as a surname of ksatriya, thakur and rajput castes. 

3. Jyesthadama (No. 43, LL.4-5) : 

The first part of the word is Jyestha literally meaning elder. 
Here it may stand for Jyestha Linga described in the Linga 
Purana. 4 ? The second part dama means 'a garland'. 48 The whole 
thus literally means, 'a garland of Jyestha Linga' and testifies 


to the popularity of the Jyestha Linga as an object of religious 

4. Kumdradeva (No. 43, L. 4) : 

Kumara is the name of Karttikeya, the son of Lord Siva 
and deva means 'god', the whole thus meaning 'god Karttikeya'. 

5. Prajapati (No. 43, L. 4) : 

Prajapati means 'lord of creatures'. It was originally applied 
to the supreme god and later on to Visnu, Siva and Brahma. 49 
It is also a name against the rules prescribed in the Dharma- 
sutras, the names of gods being prohibited to be directly given 
to human-beings. 

6. Rdmasarman (No. 43, L. 4) : 

The first part of the name is Rama based on the name of 
Lord Rama of the Epic Ramayana. The second part is 'sarman 9 
meaning 'comfort or happiness' and is often used at the end 
of the names of brahmanas, they being the well-wishers of 

7. Svamicandra (No. 43, L. 5) : 

The first part is svamin meaning lord or master which 
according to lexicographers is the name of Lord Siva. 50 The 
second part is candra, the whole thus literally meaning 'a Moon 
on (the forehead of) Lord (Siva)'. 

8. Umayasas (No. 43, L. 4) : 

The first part is Uma and the second yasas. According to 
lexicographers Uma means a city, town or landing-place, 51 and 
yasas means fame. The whole thus literally means 'one who 
has fame in the city'. 

NAMES OF MAHATTARAS (Village-headmen) 

1. (De)vakirtti (No. 29, L. 4) : 

The first part is 'Deva' which means 'god' and the second part 
is kirttij meaning 'fame'. The whole expression means 'having 
fame like that of the gods'. 

2. Devasarmman (No. 29, L. 5) : 

The first part of the word 'Deva' means 'god' and the second 
part 'sarmmarf is a name-ending added to the name of 
brahmanas as prescribed by the DharmaSastras. 

3. Gopala (No. 29, L. 5) : 

Literally meaning one who tends or protects cows, is a synonym 


for Lord Krsna.. In this case also the name is against the rules 
prescribed by the Dharmasastras. 

4. Gosthaka (No. 29, L. 4) : 

It is an abbreviated name, with the addition of suffix 'ka'. 
Literally it means 'belonging to an assembly or society'. 52 

5. Kdla (No. 29, L. 4) : 

Kala means time and as destroying all things, signifies death 
or time -of death (often personified and represented with the 
attributes of Yama). Kala personified is also a Devarsi in 
Indra's- court,- and is also the name of a son of Dhruva. 53 

6. Khasaka(No.29, L. 5) : 

It is an abbreviated name with the addition of suffix 'ka' which 
according to Panini is used to denote : : 
(i) Depreciation. 54 
(ii) Endearment. 55 

It is a non-Sanskritic word most probably a local or dialec- 
tal feature. Here */:' suffix may have been used in the sense 
of endearment meaning a "poor khasa": Khasa is the name of 
a people and of their country (in the north of India). 56 Khasaka 
can be native of that country or a man belonging to that race 
(considered as a degraded ksatriya). 57 

7. Ksemadatta (No. 29, L.-4) : 

The first part is ksema which- means ease, security or pros- 
perity. 58 The second part is l datta\ Thus the whole literally means 
'given by prosperity'. It may signify that the family became 
prosperous just before his birth. We find many names based on 
the word 'ksema' in ancient Sanskrit literature. 59 

8. Pingala (No. 29, L. 4) : 

It is a one-word name based on colour and means 'reddish- 
brown', 'yellow' or 'gold-coloured'. 60 

9. Rama (No. 29, L. 6) : 

If is another one-word name. Here the name of Lord Rama, 
the Epic hero, has been given directly to a person against the 
rules of theSmrtis. We may suggest that in such cases either the 
second part is dropped or is not given at all by the parents. 

10. Ramaka (No. 29 L. 5) : 

It is also an abbreviated name possibly from Rama-datta (Cf. 
Panini V. 3.82) with the addition Of the suffix 'ka'. In the Agni 
Purana it is the name of Rama Raghava. 61 It is formed from 


\/ram and means delighting, gratifying. 62 According to lexico- 
graphers a Ramaka is a Magadha who lives as a messenger. 63 
But here it is a personal name based on the Epic hero Lord 

11. Sivanandin (No. 44, LL, 3-4) : 

The first part is iva and the second nandin, the whole literally 
meaning 'an attendant of Lord Siva'. 

12. Somapdla (No. 29, L. 6) : 

Soma is nectar (the beverage of the gods called Amrta) and 
pa/a means 'protector'. Thus the whole literally means 'pro- 
tector or guardian of Amrta'. It is the name of several men in 
the Rajatarangini 64 and in plural it is the name of the Gan- 
dharvas (as keeping especial guard over Soma). 65 

13. Sribhadra (No. 29, L. 6) : 

!ri is the name of the goddess of wealth, the wife of Visnu and 
bhadra means 'blessed'. Thus the whole literally means 'blessed 
by the goddess of wealth'. 

14. Swikdka (No. 29, L. 4) : 

It is also an abbreviated name with the addition of suffix 'ka\ 
The word should have been Sankuka instead of Sunkaka. 
The present form may be due to the mistake of the engraver. 
The word Sunkaka is meaningless. anku is the name of Lord 
Siva. We have many names based on the word Sanku in lite- 
rature. Sarikuka was the name of a poet (author of the 
Bhuvanabhyudaya and son of Mayura), 66 and also of a writer 
on rhetoric. 67 

15. Varggapala (No. 29, L. 4) : 

The first part is Vargga which means 'a separate division, 
group, company, family, party', literally meaning 'one who 
excludes or removes or averts'. 68 The second part is pdla 
meaning protector, thus the whole means 'protector of the 
division, group or party'. . 

16 Visnubhadra (No. 29, L. 5) : 

The first part is Visnu and the second 'bhadrcf, the whole lite- 
rally meaning 'blessed by (god) Visnu'. 

17 Visnu (No. 29, L. 5) : 

The first part is lost and the second part is visnu. Visnu was 
probably the family-god of this person. 


Names of writers and engravers 

1. Dhruvasarman (No. 10, L. 9, L. 13) : 

The lofty pillar ( Inscription No. 10), 'firm and excellent' was 
caused to be made by Dhruvasarman. 

The first part of the name is 'Dhruva ' the Polar star. Panini 
deals at length with names derived from stars. 69 The second 
part of the name is *sarman\ which is a common surname for 
a brahmana. 

. 2. Gopasvamin (No. 21, L. 15) : 

The Gaya spurious copper plate inscription of Samudragupta 
was written by the order of Dyuta Gopasvamin, the Aksapata- 
ladhikrta of another village. 70 His name has already been ex- 
plained among the names of Commanders 

l.Harisena (No. 1, L. 32) : 

The draft of the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta 
which is termed as a 'kavya' was composed by Harisena. 72 :;i y& 

4. Ravila (No. 32, L. 15) : ; >. ... 

Ravila has been mentioned as the writer of the draft of the 
Mandasor Stone Inscription of Malava Sam vat 524 (A. D. 467). 73 
It is a name ending in /70. 74 It seems to be an abbreviated form 
of Ravidatta just as Devila of Devadatta. 75 Thus it is a name 
based on the deity Sun and originally signified one given by the 

5. Snbhadra (No. 29, L. 17) : 

He engraved the Dhanaidaha Copper Plate Inscription of 
Kumaragupta I. Srlbhadra is the name of a serpent-demon in 
the Buddhist literature. $rl is goddess Laksmland bhadra means 
auspicious, happy, beautiful, lovely, good or gracious. Thus 
literally Sribhadra means 'one who is (made) happy by goddess 

6. Stha(sta)mbhesvara-dasa (No. 29, L. 17) : 

He is the writer of the Dhanaidaha Copper Plate Inscription of 
Kumaragupta I. Stambhesvara is the name of Lord Siva 76 and 
dasa means 'a servant or devotee'. So the whole will literally 
mean 'one who is a devotee of Lord Siva'. 

7. Tilabhattaka (No. 1, L. 33) : 

The Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta was inscri- 
bed by Mahadan dandy aka Tilabhattaka, who is described as 


meditating on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka. 77 The name 
has already been discussed among the names of Commanders. 

8. Vatsabhatti (No. 17, L 23) : 

The Mandasor Stone Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhu- 
varman (the Malava years 493 and 529) was composed by 
Vatsabhatti. 78 Vatsa is often used as a term of endearment 
(=my dear child). 79 Originally it was used for a calf, then for 
the young of any animal and finally for any offspring or chiltf. 
The child or the young of any animal being lovely, it became 
a term of endearment. The second part of the present name 
is bhatti which is a variation of bhatta. Bhatti is formed from 
'bhartf meaning 'lord'. 80 

, _. 


(No. 16, L. 8): 

He was the head of the guild of oilmen of Indrapura. Jlvanta 
is a one-word name. Literally it means 'long-lived', 81 which 
shows the wish of the parents for the child to live long. It was 
the name of a man in the time of Panini. 82 

2. Mara (visa) (No. 55, LL. 2-3) : 

He was the father of Damasvaminl who raised a pillar at^ 
Rajaghat, Varanasi, in memory of her parents. The first part 
of the name is Mara which is the name of the god of love who 
in the Buddhist literature is described as the greatest enemy of 
the Buddha and his religion. 83 The second part of the name is 
not legible. If it is visa then the whole can literally mean 'one 
who is a poison for the god of love', i.e., a man of great 
self-control whom the arrows of Mara cannot affect. 

3. Samghila (No. 22, LL. 5-6) : 

He was a soldier who has been mentioned as an 'AsvapatV. 
Samghila is a name ending in '//a'. 84 It is an abbreviated form 
of the full name 'Samghadatta'. 

In Sand inscriptions we find several names with /to-ending 
e.g., Agila (Agnidatta), Satila (Svatidatta), Nagila (Nagadatta), 
Yakhila (Yaksadatta), Samghila (Samghadatta). 85 

4 .......... F/5fzw(No. 29, L. 7) : 

It is the name of some officer whose name appears to have the 
ending Visnu who may have been his family-deity. The first 
part is not legible. 



1. Fz. p. 405, col. 1. 

2. Ibid., p. 519, col. 2-3. 

3. Ibid., p. 622, col. 3. 

4. Ibid., p. 311, col. Ill; cf. infra, ch. IV. 

5. It isf?:r instead of ^j. 

6. Fz. p. 226, col. 2. 

7. Ibid., p. 923, col. 3. 

8. Panini, VI. 2. 165. 

9. P.L. Gupta, Coins, p. 39. R. pp. 90-91. 

10. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 185. 
11* JJ. Vol. XIV, pp. 242-43. 

12. Fz. p. 1207. 

13. Ibid. 

14. Manava Grhya, I. 18. 1-2. 

15. Mahabhasya, Vol. I, p. 38 : 


16. Fz. p. 892, col. 2. 

17. Ibid., pp. 528-29. 

18. fafW flfHlfail^lPT (fa 

Also see Hz. p. 343, note 7. The relevant expression has been trans- 
lated by Bhattacharya (JJ. VI, p. 55, L. 18, see translation) as written 
by karana-kayastha Naradatta. But this is incorrect. The intended read- 
ing was adhikarana which stand for 'office'. 

19. Fz. p. 684, col. 3. 

20. Cf. faf;g- : ^\&% tfdmt MtnsmtH sf^ I 

TT u 
Narayana Pandita, HitopadeSa, Prastavika, p. 1, v. 1. 

21. Fz. p. 745, col. 1. 

22. Fz. p. 478, col. 3. 

23. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 115. 

24. Fz. p. 527, col. 2. 

25. Fz. p. 368, col. 1. 

26. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 187. 

27. Fz. pp. 528-29. 

28. Fz. p. 89, col. 1. 

29. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 2-3. 

32. Fz. p. 978, col. 3. 

33. Ibid., p. 412, col. 3. 

34. See Divakaranandin. 

35. Fz. p. 1262, col. 3. 


36. Cf., Names ending in Nandin, GJ. Vol. II, p. 95. 

37. Fz. p. 960, col. 1. 

38. Ibid. 

39. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 115. 

40. Fz. p. 983, col. 2. 

41. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1. 

42. Ibid., pp. 474-475. 

43. Ibid., p. 344, col. 1. 

44. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 186. 

45. Panini, II. 1.56 : ;gtrfaf 

Cf. Panini, V. 3.81. The names of species adopted as personal 
names, e.g. Vyaghraka, Simhaka. 

46. Fz. p. 1289, col. 3. 

47. Ibid., p. 426, col. 3. 

48. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1. 

49. Ibid., p. 658. col. 2-3. 

50. Ibid., p. 1284, col. 1; cf. G. Buhler, GJ. Vol. II, p. 95. Names with 
'svamin 9 as their first part are Saivite names. 

51. Fz. p. 217, col. 1. 

52. Ibid., p. 367, col. 2. 

53. Ibid., p. 278, col. 1. 

54. Kutsite, Panini, V. 3.75, e.g. Puranaka, name of a servant. 

55. Panini, V. 3.76, etc. 

56. Fz. p. 338, col. 3. 

57. Ibid. 

58. Ibid., p. 332, col. 3. 

59. Ibid., p. 332, col. 3; p. 333, col.l. 

60. Ibid., p. 624, col. 3. 

61. Ibid., p. 878, col. 2. 

62. Panini, VII, 3, 34. 

63. Fz. p. 878, col. 2. 

64. Bz. p. 165. 

65. Fz. p. 1250, col. 2. 

66. Bz. p. 193. 

67. Fz. p. 1047, col. 2. 

68. Ibid., p. 923, col. 3. 

69. Panini, IV. 3.34; 36, 37; VIII. 3.100; Jy. pp. 189-90; JJ. Vol. XIV, 
pp. 224; 238-40. 

70. No. 21, L. 15 : 3T^T ^Pn^Md 

71. His name has alreadybeen explained among the names of ministers. 

72. No. 1, L.L. 31-32 : 

73. No. 32, L. 15 : 

74. Panini, V. 3.79. 


75. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191. 

76. Stambha and Sthanu are just synonyms both meaning pillar and 
displaying qualities of stiffness, firmness or fixedness. (Fz. pp. 1258 and 
1262). Sthanvisvara is the name of a Linga of Siva, (Fz. pp. 1262-63) and 
hence Stambhesvara also represents the same. 

77. No. 1, L. 33 : sFTpss^f ^ <R*WT2T<;i>~MT<f RWI IcH ^K^HN4-f^rHdd3H \ 
Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 17 translates it as 'And the accomplishment of the 

matter has been effected by the Mahadandanayaka Tilabhattaka, who 
meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka (i.e., Candragupta II)'. It 
is all due to the fact that Fleet considered this inscription as posthumous 
((Dx) 1 , p. 1). The word Paramabhattaraka here applies to Samudra- 
gupta as the pillar was set up during the life-time of the great emperor. 
See: Majumdar, Pg. p. 137. 

78. No. 17. L. 23 : g^r? %zf sq^fa Tf^TT ^cH^ferr I 

79. Fz. p. 915, col. 3 

80. Ibid., p. 745, col. 1, 2. 
^81. Ibid., p. 423, col. 2. 

$2. Panmi, IV. 1.103 : Jaivantayana Jaivanti, i.e., one who belongs to 
the family of Jlvanta ; Jz. p. 62. 

83. Fz. p. 811, col. 3. 

84. Panini, V. 3.79. 

85. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191. - 

Names of Householders and 


Names ending in Bhadra 

1. Acyutabhadra (No. 43, L. 11) : 

Bhadra is the name of Lord Siva. Acyuta means 'firm' or 
'solid'. Thus Acyutabhadfa has the same meaning as that of 
Sthanu Siva. 1 The name is based on the quality of firmness of 
Lord Siva. 

2. Ratibhadra (No. 43, L. II) : 

Rati is often personified as one of the two wives of Kamadeva, 
together with Priti. 2 Bhadra is the frame of Lord Siva. The 
name depicts the quality of kindness of Lord Siva who had 
put cupid, the husband of Rati ? to ashes for disturbing his 
penance but who at the prayer of Rati madehirii alive to 'reside 
in all men but without a body. Ratibhadra can also literally 
mean a man skilful in rati? i.e. sexual enjoymerit. 

Sl Vr .:f/Tr*Y 

Names ending in Bhava ;> , 

1. Kumarabhava (No. 43, L.5) : 

Kumara is another name of Skanda or Karttikeya 4 and Bhava is 
the name of Lord Siva. So it is also a name formed by combining 
the names of two deities. We find several names with Kumara 
as the first word. Cf. Kumarasvamin, Kumaraharita, Kumara- 
bhatta 5 

2. Rudrabhava (No. 43, L. 6) : 

It will mean born by (the grace of) Siva. 

Names ending in Dasa 

1. Kuladasa (No. 43, L. 10): 


Kula means 'race, family, community'. 6 Dasa means servant. 
So the whole will literally mean 'a servant of the community or 
family'. Dharmasastras prescribe 'ddstf to be used by sudras at 
the end of their names but we do not find any strict adherence 
to this rule by the society. Data-ending names show devotion. 
We have such names as 'Kulabhusana' based on the word 

2. Matrdasa (No. 7, L. 4) : 

Mdtr means 'mother' or the divine mothers (considered to be 
7, 9 or 16 in number). 7 So it will literally mean 'a servant of 
the divine mothers'.- ,~ : 

3. Narayanatasd* (No.~43, L. 10) : 

It is to be taken as 'Narayanadasa' literally meaning f a servant 
of the god'. 

4. Sarvvadasa (No. 43, L.;I2) :. , 

$aryvais another name of Lord Siva 9 . So te whole will 
literally mean *a servant of Lord Siva'. 

- 3s, i 

Names ending in Datta 

1. Bhavadatta (No, 43, L. 8) ; 

Bhava is the name of Lord Siva and datta means 'given'. 
The whole literally means 'given by Lord Siva'. Such names 
show devotion towards a particular deity. 

2. Jayadatta(No. 43, L. 11) : 

Java is the name of an attendant of Visnu, 10 and datta means 
'given'. The whole will literally mean 'given by Jaya'. It is a 
name based on the deity Visnu. 11 Jayadatta was the name of 
a king in the Kathasaritsagara, of a minister in the Raja- 
tarafigini, of the author of the ASvavaidyaka, of a Bodhi- 
sattva and of a son of Indra. 12 We find many personal names 
with the first part 'Jaya' in the Rajataranginl. 13 

3. Krsnadatta (No. 43, L. 8) : 

The first part Krsna refers to Lord Krsna and the second part 
datta means given, thus the whole means 'given by Lord Krsna'. 

4. Simhatta^ (No. 43, L. 10) : 

It should be taken as Sirhhadatta. Sirhhadatta meaning 'lion- 
given' 15 was the name of an Asura; it has also been the name 
of a poet. 16 

It is a name based on the Zodiacal sign Leo or its lagna. 


A child born in such lagna may be named as Simhadatta. 17 

Names ending in Deva 

1. Bhadradeva (No. 30, L. 5) : 

Bhadra means 'auspicious, gracious, kind' and deva means 'god'. 
So the whole will literally mean 'a gracious god'. 

2. Dhanyadeva(No. 30, L. 5) : 

Dhanya also means 'fortunate, auspicious'. 18 Thus the complete 
name will literally mean 'an auspicious god'. 

3. Harideva (No. 30, L. 5) : 

Hari is generally applied to Visnu-Krsna (in this sense thought 
by some to be derived from \/hr 'to take away or remove evil 
or sin). 19 Hence the whole expression will literally mean 'god 
Visnu or Krsna'. 

4. Ndgadeva (No. 33, L. 10) : 

It will literally mean the serpent-god. In Sanskrit literature we 
find several authors with this name. 20 

5. Naradeva (No. 43, L. II) : 

It would literally mean 'the god of men' i.e. a king'. It has also 
been the name of an author. 21 

6. Samghadeva (No. 30, L. 5) : 

It would literally mean 'god of the Order (Buddhist)'. "To 
whom the Order (Buddhist) is supreme". 

7. Srideva (No. 30, L. 5) : 

Literally it means 'god of fortune or wealth, i.e. Visnu'. 

Names ending in Kunda 

The word 'kunda? here yields no meaning when combined 
with the first part. It has only been used as a surname. 

I. Kdmanakunda (No. 43, L. 11) : 

It should be taken as Kamanakunda. The word kamana means 
'desire'. The second part 'kunda' seems to be a family surname. 
Literally it means a bowl, pitcher, a vessel for coals, or around 
hole in the ground (for receiving and preserving water or fire. 
Cf. Agnikunda). 22 It is a Dravidian word. 23 We have the 
names of mohallas ending in 'kunda', such as Durgakunda, 
Agastyakunda, Laksmlkunda in Varanast. 

As a surname, we find its use for the Nagara brahmanas. 2 * 
We find many brahmana surnames popular among the 'kayas- 


thas of Bengal. 25 'Kunda' though originally a brahm ana sur- 
name is now a non-brahmana surname in Bengal. Some of the 
people possessing the kunda surname are found to be oil-men 
by profession. Its corrupt form kundu is also found. 

2. Piccakunda (No. 43, L. 12) : 

Picca means 'the heaven or next birth'. 26 It can also be the 
corrupt form of t pitf which means the fathers, forefathers, 
ancestors, especially the Pitris or deceased ancestors. 27 

3. Pravarakunda (No. 43, L. 12) : 

Pravara means most excellent, chief, eminent, distinguished. 
We find several instances of the names of kings and places with 
the first part l Pravara' .^ 

4. Sivakwida (No. 43, L. 6) : 
The name is based on the deity Siva. 

Names ending in Mitra 

1. Kfsnamitra (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Literally it may mean 'one who loves Krsna or is a friend of 
Krsna\ It may signify devotion of Sakhyabhava. It was also the 
name of the son of Ramasevaka (grandson of Devidatta, author 
of the Manjusa Kuficika). 29 '. 

2; Prabhamitra (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Prabha is a Prakritised form of Prabhu meaning God. So the 
whole will mean 'God's friend'. Such names show devotion to 
the respective deities. 

Names ending in Naga 

1. Rajyanaga (No. 43, L. 10) : 

Rajya means 'kingly, princely or royal'; it also means 'king- 
dom, country or realm'. 31 Naga means serpent. So the whole 
literally means 'a royal naga'. Naga is prefixed as well as suffixed 
to names. It shows a trend towards serpent worship. The 
use of Rajya as the first part of the name is also not without 
parallels. 32 

2. Viranaga (No. 43, L. 10) : 

Vlra means brave, eminent or chief. We can find many names 
with the first word 'Vira'. The whole literally means 'a brave 
or eminent serpent'. 


Names ending in Natha 

\ Bhavanatha (No. 43, L.10) : 

The first part, 'Bhava' here means 'the world'. 33 The second part 
'Nathcf means 'a protector, owner, lord' 34 and is used both as 
the first part as well as the second part of the name for 
example in the names Natha-malla, Natha-simha, Nathananda- 
muni, Nath'oka etc. 35 Bhavanatha would literally mean here 
'the lord of the world', i.e. the god Bhavanatha, was the name 
of an author. 36 The word Bhava is also the synonym of Lord 
Siva so it is to be counted as a Saivite name. 

2. Snnatha (No. 43, L. 7) : 

Sri is the goddess of wealth, wife of Visnu. Srindtha would 
literally mean 'the Lord of Sri', i.e. the deity Visnu. 

Names ending in Pdlita and Raksita 

1 . Sarppapalita (No. 43, L. 9) : 

The first part Sarppa means a serpent and the second part 
palita means 'protected*. Thus the whole literally means 'pro- 
tected by serpents'. The name shows a tendency of the family 
towards serpent-worship. 

2. Bhavaraksita (No. 43, L. 12) : 

Bhava is the name of Lord Siva 37 and raksita means 'protec- 
ted'. Thus the whole would literally mean 'protected by Lord 
Siva'. The name shows a fondness of the family for the deity 

Names ending in Sarmman 

Sarmman a brahmana surname is the common ending for 
the following names. It means a shelter, protection comfort, 
bliss, etc. 38 

1. Ahisarmman (No. 43, L. 8) : 

The whole will literally mean 'a shelter for the serpents'. 

2. Guptasarmman (No. 43, L. 7) : 

It would literally mean 'a hidden resort'. We can find many 
names with the first part 'Gupta\ e.g., Guptanatha, Gupte- 
Svara, etc. 

3. Harisarmman (No. 43, L. 7) : 

Hari means lord Visnu or Krsna. We have also such names 
as Visnusarman and Sivasarman where the first part is 


based on the name of a certain deity. The second part 
Sarman gives no meaning here to the first part. 

4. Himasarmman (No. 43, L. 9) : 

Hima 39 means snow or winter. G. Biihler 40 takes the mean- 
ing of hima as 'the moon'. So we can say that the name is 
based on the deity moon. The word Sarman signifies only 
a surname. It has got no meaning as the part of the name. 
Or we may say that the name is based on the winter 
season, 41 

5. Kaivarttasarman(No 43, L. 9) : 

The word Kaivartta means 'a fisherman (born of a prosti- 
tute by a fcsatriya; or of an Ayogava female by a Nisada 
father). 42 We also come across a name 'Kaivartti-Sresthin' in 
No. 46, L. II. The name Kaivarttasarmman may signify the 
profession of the person who was by birth a brahmana. The 
word Sarman here yields no meaning when combined with the 
first part; it is only significant of a brahmana surname. 

6. Kramasarmman (No. 43, L. 8) : 

Krama means uninterrupted or regular progress, hereditary 
descent. 43 It may literally mean 'one who protects the family 
by causing increase in descent (by his birth)'. 

7. Laksmanasarmman (No. 43, L. 8) : 

The name is based on Laksmana, the younger brother of deity 
Rama. The word Sarman here has the significance of a sur- 
name only. 

8. Maghasarmman (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Magha means wealth or power. Literally it would mean 'one 
who protects the wealth'. 

9. Rupasarmman (No. 43, LL. 7-8) : 

Rupa means 'form, figure, beauty'. Here it may mean beauti- 
ful. We have similar names, e.g., Rupalal, Sunderlal, Rupa- 
chand, etc., in modern times. The first part of the name is 
based on a virtue, i.e. 'beauty'. It would mean 'one who is 

10. Rustasarmman (No. 33, L. 8) : 

Rusta means angry. The name might have been given due to 
furious nature of the man. Rusta was the name of a Muni. 44 

The word 'Sarman' is only significant of the brahmana sur- 
name and yields no sensible meaning when combined with the 


first part. 

11. Sukkrasarmman (No. 43, LL. 8-9) : . 

Sukra means 'bright, resplendent; light-coloured, white'. 45 . The 
name may be based on colour, day (Friday), or the sage Sukra. 
Literally it would mean 'one who is white-coloured'. 

12. Susctrmman (No. 43, L. 7): 

'Stf is generally prefixed before names. It means 'good or ex- 
cellent'. The whole will literally signify 'one who is good'. 

Names ending in Siva 

1. Aparasiva (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Apara means 'having no rival or superior; having nothing be^ 
yond or after'. 46 The second part is Siva. The literal meaning 
of the name is 'the unrivalled or the great Siva. We have such 
names as 'Apararka'; 47 Purnacandra or Purnasimha. 

2. Vasusiva (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Vasu mean 'good or beneficient' 48 and Siva refers to Lord 
Siva. So the whole will mean 'beneficient Siva'. 

Names ending in Svdmin 

1. Aldtasvamin (No. 43, L. 7) : 

The first part 'Aldta' means fire. 49 We have in the Mahabharata 
a name 'AlataksV 'having fiery eyes', one of the mothers in 
Skanda's retinue. 50 The second part svdmin means 'a master, 
lord or owner'. It is also used for a spiritual preceptor, learned 
brahmana or pandita (used as a title at the end of names, 
especially of the natives of the Karnataka). 51 Literally the 
whole means 'the lord of fire'. 

2. Battasvdmin (No. 43, L .7) : 

The word Bhatta literally means 'lord' (from bhartr). It is a 
title of respect but is also affixed to the names of learned 
brahmanas. Here it has been used as the first part of the name 
while in other examples we find it used as a second part of the 
name. Bhattasvamin is also the name of the author of a 
commentary on the Arthasastra. The whole name literally 
means 'the lord of lords'. 

3. Brahmasvdmin (No. 43, L. 7) : 

Brahman means prayer, the sacred word, the text of mantra 
used as spell. 52 We find several personal names based on this 


word in literature. 53 Literally the name would mean 'whose 
lord is Brahman'. 

4. Jayasvdmin (No. 43, L.9) : 

Jaya is the name of an attendant of Visnu. So it is a Vaisnavite 
name, meaning 'the lord of Jaya', i.e. Visnu. 

5. Ramasvdmin (No. 43, L. 11) : 

The name is based on the deity Rama, meaning 'whose lord is 
Rama', i.e. 'Ramasya svaim". 

Names ending in Visnu 

1. Guhavisnu (No. 43, L. 10; L. 11) : 

Visnu seems to have been the family deity of people listed 
here with Visnu as the second part of their names. Guha is . 
the name of Skanda or Karttikeya. Visnu signifies Lord Visnu. 
So it is a name with the combination of two deities Guha and 

2. Jayavisnu (No, 43, L.9) : 

The word Jaya means victorious. We find many names with 
the first part Jaya, for example, Jayadeva, Jayarama and 
Jayadatta. Jayavisnu means 'the victorious Visnu'. 

3. Kirttivisnu (No. 43, L.8) : , . ; . 

Kirtti means fame or glory. The whole will literally mean 'the 
glorious Visnu'. 

4. Kumdravisnu (No. 43, L. 5) : 

Kumara is another name of Skanda. Thus this name is also 
formed by the combination of the names of two deities. 

5. Sarvvavisnu (No. 43, L. 10) : 

Sarva is the name of god Siva. 54 It is another case of a name 
formed by combining the names of two deities. 

6. Somavisnu (No. 43, L.8) : 

Soma is also a deity, personified as one of the most important 
Vedic gods, but in post-Vedic mythology and even in a few 
(late) hymns of the Rgveda and sometimes also in later- Vedic 
period Soma is identified with the Moon (as the receptacle 
of the other beverage of gods, called Amrta, or as the lord of 
the plants) and with the god of the Moon as well as with 
Visnu, Siva, Yama and Kubera. 55 This name has also been 
formed by the combination of the names of two deities. 

7. Yasovisnu (No. 43, L. 5) : 



Yasas means fame or glory. The whole would literally mean 
"The god (Visnu) of glory". 56 

One-word names 

In such names the second part is generally dropped for 
the sake of brevity. The names of the gods given directly to 
persons in some cases are against prescribed rules; but we may 
suggest that the second part has been dropped. 

1. Acyuta(Wo. 43, L. 11) : 

Acyuta literally meaning 'not fallen', i.e. permanent, solid, 
firm, imperishable is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna. 57 

2. Bhaskara (No 44, L. 3; L. 9; L.14; L. 16) : 

Literally meaning 'one who produces the rays of light'. 
Bhaskara is the name of God Sun. 58 

3. B/iava(No. 43, L. 11) : : ( 

Literally meaning 'coming into existence', Bhava is the name 
of Lord Siva. It also means 'the world'. 59 . 

4. Bhoyila (No. 44, L. 3; L. 8; L. 14; L. 15) : 

It is a name with the suffix //a. 60 The name of Bhavadatta seems 
to have been changed to Bhoyila as in the case of Agila 
(Agnidatta), Satila (Svatidatia), Nagila (Nagadatta) and 
Yakhila (Yaksadatta). 61 

5. Bonda (No. 43, L. 10) : 

It is a local name in Prakritised form which literally means 
South'. 62 We have such names as Mukharama Sarma. The 
word seems to have some relationship with Bundelkhand in 
Madhya Pradesh where the inhabitants are called Bundelas. 

6. Gopala (No. 43, L. 12) : 

Gopdla literally meaning 'the protector or foster of the cows' 
is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna 

7. Gi//?a(No. 43, L. 10) : 

Guha is the name of Skanda or Karttikeya, Lord Siva, Lord 
Visnu. 63 According to Monier Williams, it is a name belonging 
to persons of the writer caste. 64 We cannot say with affirmity 
whether Guha was a writers' caste in the Gupta period. 

8. Hari (No. 43, L.7) : 

Hari is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna. It is to be derived 
from Vhr, 'to take away or remove evil or sin'. 65 

9. Ka'laka (No. 43, L. 11): 


It means dark-blue or black. 66 It is a name based on 
colour. 67 We have several cases of names with the word 
Kalaka, for example, 'Kalakaksa' black-eyed, the name of an 
Asura; 'Kalakacarya' a Jain teacher and astronomer; 'Kala- 
kendra' name of a prince of the Dhanavas. 68 It is a name with 
the suffix 'ka\ 

10. Kankuti (No. 43, L. 9) : 

The Sanskrit form will be kankatin meaning 'furnished with 
armour'; when the form is Kankafini it means 'a chamberlain'. 6 * 
Kanku is a mistake for kanka. 70 Kanku was the name of a 
son of Ugrasena. 71 Kanka, 72 according to lexicographers means 
'a false or pretended brahmana'; it was the name assumed by 
Yudhisthira before Icing Virata, when in the disguise of a 

11. Udhaka (No. 43, L. 11): 

This name has also been formed by the addition of the suffix 
*ka\ The word is formed by the root '\/lih' to lick, to eat or 
to taste. 73 Lidhaka thus means 'one who licks'. The name may 
have been given due to his habits of licking which exhibit 

12. Mahi (No. 43, L. 10): 

Mahi means 'earth' personified as deity. We have many 
names, formed with Mahi or its synonym, for example, 
Mahidasa, Mahidatta, Prthivlkumara, etc. 

13. Nabhdka (No. 33, L. 4, L. 8) : 

The name is formed with the addition of suffix 'ka* to ndbha 
or nabhi meaning navel. 74 Literally it means 'navel born'. 
Generally incarnations are said to have been born from nabhi 
just as Brahma is said to have first appeared on the lotus 
sprung from the navel of Visnu. 

14. Puramdara (No. 43, L.9) : 

Literally meaning 'destroyer of strongholds', Puramdara is the 
name of Indra, the lord of the gods. 75 

15. Samkara (No. 43, L. 9) : 

Literally meaning 'causing prosperity', Samkara is the name 
of Lord Siva. 76 . 

16. Vndana (No. 5, L.5) : 

The root apparent in the form is ^/ud^/und meaning to wet,. 
bathe 77 from which the name -can be derived. The name 


Unddna may, therefore, mean 'kind or humane'. 78 

17. Vailinaka (No. 43, L. 5) : 

The name is formed by adding suffix 'ka' to Vellana which 
means 'going, moving about, shaking, rolling (of a horse)'. 80 
Vellana is also a sort of rolling pin with which cakes, chappatis, 
etc., are prepared. 81 The name denotes the habit of rolling or 
moving about of the child. In modern times also names like 
Bellana (Vellana) are given. It may refer to the baby being fat. 
It can refer to a person's changing temperament. 

18. V amply oka (No. 52, L. 20) : 

It should be read as Vappiyaka. It is the name of a king in the 
Rajatarangini. 82 Vappa is the Prakrtised form for vapra meaning 
'a rampart, any shore or bank, mound, hillock' 83 or the field. 84 
Vappia also means 'field. 85 to which the suffix 'ka* has been 
added. We have similar names such as 'Kedaranatha' meaning 
'owner of the field'. 

19. Visva (No. 43, L. 9) : 

Formed from the \/vis to pervade, it means all-pervading or 
all containing, omnipresent. It is applied to Visnu or Krsna. 86 
We have many similar names, e.g.,Visvakarman,Vivanatha and 


1. Adityabandhu (No. 52, L. 20) : 

The first part is Aditya meaning 'the deity Sun,; bandhu means 
'a relation or friend'. So the whole means 'a friend of god Sun\ 
We have many examples of names with bandhu as the second 
part, e.g. Dlnabandhu, Visvabandhu, Vedabandhu, etc. We 
have also names with Aditya as their first part such as Aditya- 
natha and Adityanarayana. 

2. Ddmarudra (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Daman means 'garland' 87 and Rudra stands for Siva. The 
whole literally means 'Rudra having a garland'. The names 
with the first word 'daman' were popular in ancient times. 8 * 
We also find daman-ending names in ancient literature. 

3. Jsvaracandra (No. 43, L. 6) : 

Tsvara literally meaning 'powerful (capable of doing)' is often 
used as a synonym for Lord Siva. 89 Candra means 'the Moon'. 
The whole will literally mean 'the Moon of Lord Siva, 


situated on the forehead of Lord Siva*. Names with Candra as 
their second part are quite common even now, e.g.,ivacandra, 
Ramacandra and Krsnacandra. 

4. Kumar abhuti (No. 43, L. 5) : 

Kumara means Skanda or Karttikeya and bhuti means power 
or wealth. 90 So the whole will mean 'power or wealth of 
Kumara'. We have also similar names like 'Bhavabhuti' 
meaning power or wealth of Lord Siva. 

5. Kumarayasas (No. 43, L. 5) : 

The whole will rrean 'fame or glory of Kumara'. A desire for 
the attainment of the glory of god Karttikeya is reflected here. 

6. Mahasena (No. 43, L. 7) : 

Mahasena seems to have been used for Karttikeya. Literally 
meaning 'having a great army or the commander of a large 
force or a great general', Mahasena is the name of Karttikeya 
or Skanda. 91 Sena 'armed force' is also personified as the wife 
of Karttikeya. 92 

7. Nandadama (No. 43, L.8) : 

Nanda is the name of the foster father of Krsna 93 Daman 
means 'garland'. 94 The whole literally means 'a garland of 
Nanda' i.e. one who is dearer to Nanda. It may refer to Lord 
Krsna. We have many examples of names with Nanda as their 
first part, e.g., Nandalal, Nandakishore and Nandakumara. 

8. Prabhakirttito (No. 43, L 11) : 

Prabha is the Prakritised form of Prabhu meaning 'God*. 
Kirti may be translated as glory. The whole thus means 'glory 
of God'. 


1. Acalavarman (No. 16, L. 6) : 

Acala means 'firm' or 'stable'. Varman is a surname used 
for ksatriyas. Acalavarman is specifically mentioned as a 
ksatriya. 96 This is significant. It means that ksatriyas followed 
the profession of vaisyas. 

2. Bandhumitra (No. 34, L.5; No. 35, L. 4) : 
The name literally means "a friend of his relatives". 

3. Bhr(bhru)kunthasimha (No. 16, L. 6) : 

The first part of the name means "one with contracted brows 
(out of anger)". The second part is simha or lion which is often 



the surname of ksatriya'S? 

4. Kapila (No. 33, L. 8) : 

He is described as a merchant but he also acted as a scribe. 
The name is based on colour and is probably to be connected 
with kapi 'monkey-coloured' brown, tawny, reddish. 97 

5 Snbhadra (No. 33, L. 8) : 

It is the name of a merchant who also acts as a scribe. It is a 
name based on Sri 'the goddess of wealth', the whole meaning 
'auspicious for wealth'. 

6. Sthanudatta (No. 37. L. 5) : 

The name is basecF 'on ^the \pame of Lord Siva who is also 
called, 'Sthanu' meaning firm or immovable. 98 'Datta' is a 
surname which ir.ear^ 'given'. The whole expression means 
begotten on by the grace of Lord 'SiVa*. 

7. Sthaya(na)pala (No. 33, L. 8) : 

A merchant who also acts as a*' scribe. D,C. Sircar takes the 
reading 'Sthayapala'. 99 He also suggests the possibility of a 
second reading 'sthdnapala 1 which means 'watchman or police- 
man'. 100 This reading seems to be correct; Sthayapala 
yields no sensible meaning*-- J -> 

8. Vasumitra (No. 36, L. 4) : 

The first part of the name is vasu (wealth) and the second is 
mitra the whole literally meaning 'a friend of wealth'. Another 
possibility is that $iz name vasu stands for a group of deities 
and mitra means the sun ^nd Vasumitra Thereby yielding the 
sense "a sun among deities" 


1. Fz. p. 9, col. 2. 

2. Ibid., p. 867, -col. 3. " *:., -. . . ,u| 

3. Ibid., p. 745, col. 3. -#,]> 

4. Ibid., p. 29&.ol. 1-2. . ~ o . v 

5. Ibid. : . , 

6. Ibid.. p>.294, coL 2.- ,- . . w- ,^-A 
.7. Ibid., p. 807, ccd. 1. ^: ": ', 

8. The reading is c.hecked-by rne.^ . - . 

9. Fz. p. 1057, col.:l. . 

10. Ibid.,p..4l2 i col. 3. ;. -, ..-. . j , 

11. H. p. 8S. . / .- - .: : .----'- 

cf. q-^ ^^ *<<r\- tH 1 ^s-^' T 45. 


175: cFTT^ ^t*' r rt: tfi*^^<*^u tf*!*^ ^H U- 

12. Fz. p. 413, col. 1; Bz. pp. 61-64. 

13. Passim. 

14. JJ. XIX, p. 21, f. n. 8. The reading has been checked by me. 

15. Fz. p. 1213, col. 1. 

16. Ibid. ; 

17. H. p. 440. . 

18. Fz. p. 509, col. 1. 

19. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 3. 

20. Ibid., p. 533, col. 1. 

21. Ibid., p. 529, col. 1. 

22. Ibid., p. 289, col. 3. * 

23. T. Burrow, (Mg) 1 'Non-Aryan Influence on Sanskrit', p. 381. 
Tamila : Kuntu 'hollow; pool, pit'; 

Malyalam : Kuntu 'hole, pit'; 

Kannada : Kunte, Kunda, gundi, 'hole, pit', etc; 

Cf. Mayrhofer, A. p/226. 

24. Barua, Zz. p. 95. t ;;> 

25. Bhandarkar, HJ. March 1932, p. 52, Sircar, JJ. XIX, pp. 17-18. 

26. Xy. p. 517. 

27. Fz. p. 626, col. 2. 

28. Ibid., p. 690, col. 3. 

29. Ibid., p. 307, col. 2. 

30. The reading has been checked by me. 

31. Fz. p. 875, col. 1. I , i 

32. Ibid., col. 1-2. 

33. Ibid., p. 749, col. 1. 

34. Ibid., p. 534, col. '3. 

35. Ibid., For the use as the Secoild part we have here Bhavanatha, 
other examples are Sivanatha, RSmanatha, ptc. 

36. Ibid., p. 749, col. 1. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Ibid., p. 1058, col. 2-3. 

39. Ibid. , p. 1298, col. 3. 

40. GJ. vol. II, p. 95. 

41. Just like we have such names as Vasantarama or Vasantaraja 
based on the spring season. 

42. Fz. p. 311, col. 3. The Kaivarttas or Kevattas<(Keots) were spread 
all over the country in Bengal. 

Hg. Vol. I, p. 67. As an occupational caste 'it has divided itself 
into Jaliya Kaivarttas who practised the Calling of fisherman, and Haliya 
(or chasi) Kaivarttas (also spelled as Kaibarttas) who lived by agriculture. 
Latter on Haliya Kaivarttas thinking themselves superior banned all in- 
termarriage with Jaliya Kaivarttas and succeeded in getting recognition as 
a separate caste under the name of Mahisya(tiutton, W. p. 46). According 
to the Brahmavaivartta Purana, Kaivarra ist>orri of a ksatriya father and 



vaiSya mother which is Known as Mahisya (Cautam, IV, 20). It seems to 
imply that Kaivarta was degraded in Kaliyuga by his association with 
the Tivara and was known as, or adopted the vocation of a dhivara or 
fisherman (Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 591.) 

43. Fz. p. 319, col. 3. 

44. Ibid., p. 885. 

45. Ibid., p. 1080, col. 1. 

46. Ibid., p. 50, col. 2. > 

47. Ibid., col. 3. 

48. Ibid., p. 930, col. 3. 

49. Ibid., p. 94, col. 3 : 

50. Fz. p. 94, col. 3. 

51. Ibid., p. 1284, col. 1. 

52. Ibid., p. 737, col. 1. 

53. Ibid., pp. 737 if. 

54. Ibid., p. 1057, col. 1. 

55. Ibid., p. 1249, col. 3. 

56. Cf. Klrtti-Vinu, No, 3. 

57. Fz. p. 9, col. 2. 

58. Ibid., p. 756, col. 1. 

59. Ibid., pp. 748-49, col. 3-1 

60. Panini, V. 3.79. 

61. Jy. p. 191, No. 18. 

62. Xy. p. 638. 

63. Fz. p. 360, col. 2. 

64. Ibid. 

65. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 3. 

66. Ibid., p. 277, col. 3. 

67. srirfejTT <TO 153 





O 47, 

68. Fw. p. 277, col. 3. 

69. Ibid., p. 242, col. 2. 
Xy. p. 638. 

70. Ibid., see : Kanku. 

71. Ibid. 

72. Fz. p. 242, col. 1. 

73. Ibid., p. 903, col. 1. 
anrfasqr, <To 153, ^fatffr, 'Jo 47. 

74. Fz. p. 535, col. 3. See nSbha and nabhi. 

75. Ibid., p. 635, col. 3. 

76. Ibid., p. 1054, col. 3. 

77. Ibid., p. 183, col. 1, See Vud2. 

78. Ibid., col. 3. See unna. 

79. The reading has been checked by me. 

80. Fz. p. 746, col. 1. 

81. Ibid., p. 746, col. 1. 


82. Ibid., p. 920, cpl. 2, Seeyapptya or vap.piyaka. 
Bz. p. 108. ' 

83. Fz. p. 920, col. 1. *' f + 

84. Xy. p. 745. . ;' ,' ^ 

85. Ibid., p. 746:cffoj3f, <j. (%) i.e. a <fesi word. 

86. Fz. p. 992, col. 2. 

87. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1. 

88. Ibid., p. 474, col. 3 : Damakantha, Damagranthi, Damacandra, 
Damodara, etc. 

89. Ibid., p. 171, col. 1. 

90. Ibid., p. 762, col. 3. 

91. Ibid., p. 801, col. 3. 

92. Ibid., p. 1246, col. 2. 

93. Ibid., p. 526, col. 3. 

94. Cf. Pz. pp. 106-07. 

95. The reading has been checked by me. 

96. No. 16, L. 6 : ^STT^T^f-'Tf^Fr^RTt 3Tfsw^R'f-?T (^T. 
(5T) **3 \ 

97. Fz. p. 250, col. 3 : Cf. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 1SO-91. 

98. Fz. p. 1262, col. 3. 

99. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 333, L.8. 
100. Ibid., f.n. 7. 

Names of Brahmanas ; Jainas and 


Names ending in Bhatta 

1. Devabhatta (No. 43, LL. 14-15; L. 26) : 

Deva, the first part of the name, means 'god, heavenly or 
divine'. The second part is a name-ending suffix used for learned 
brahmanas. The ending Bhatta denoting a scholar later be- 
came a surname, just as the English word 'Master' is under- 
going a change in usage with the Gujarati-speaking people and 
the word 'professor' may soon have with the Marathl-speaking 
people. 1 

Devabhatta was a brahmana. He was an inhabitant of 
Pundravardhana. He belonged to Vajasaneyacarana, and was 
versed in the four Vedas. 

2. Kurama(d)ravyabhatta (No. 39, L. 5) : 

He is mentioned as a teacher of Chandoga (Veda}, with the 
gotras Asva and Vajin. Kurama means bad (or misused) wealth 
and 'ravya' means 'famous'; bhatta is a surname added to the 
names of scholarly brahmanas. So the whole expression may 
mean 'a teacher who is known for the ill use of his wealth'. 
Though such queer names are actually in practice it is not un- 
likely that in the present case it is the nick-name which has 
been mentioned. 

3. Visnupdlitabhatta (No. 39, L. 5) : 

He was the son of Kuramaravyabhatta, a teacher of the Chan- 
doga (Veda), with the gotras Asva and Vajin. The first part of 
his name 'Visnupalita' literally means 'protected by god Visnu'; 
the second part 'bhatta' signifies a learned brahmana. 


Names ending in Datta 

1. Amaradalta (No. 43, L. 15; L. 26) : 

The first part 'Amara' means 'a god' and the second part 'datta' 
means 'given'. Thus the whole will mean 'Given by gods'. He 
was an inhabitant of Pundravardhana, and is described as 
belonging to' Vajasaneyacarana and as versed in the four Vedas. 
Amaradatta was also the name of a lexicographer and also 
of a prince in the Kathasaritsagara. 2 

2. Mahasenadatta (No. 43, L. 15; L. 26) : 

The first part is 'Mahasena' which is the name of Karttikeya 
or Skanda. 3 The second part is 'dattcf which means 'given'. 
The whole expression means 'given by god Skanda'. Mahasena- 
datta was a brahmana inhabitant of Pundravardhana, belong- 
ing to Vajasaneyacarana and versed in the four Vedas. 

Names ending in Sarmman 

1. Ndgasarmman (No. 29, L. 3) : 

The first part is Ndga based on the Naga or serpent-demon. 
The second part sarmman (or sarman) is a brahmana surname. 

2. Nathasarmman (No. 28, LL. 3-4; L. 12; L. 17) : 

In lines 3-4 and 12 we get the second part as sarmman but in 
L. 17 we find it as sarmma. The first part is Natha meaning 
'protector, patron, possessor, owner, lord' 4 The second part is 
a brahmana surname. Natha is the name of several authors. 5 

3. Sivasarmman (No. 29, L. 3) : 

The first part is the name of god Siva and the second is 

Names ending in Svamin 

1. Gopadevasvamin (No. 21, L. 10) : 

The name has two parts. The first part is Gopadeva and the 
second part is ( svdmin\ Gopadeva means 'Lord of the cow- 
herds' and is often applied to Indra, Krsna or Visnu, mostly to 
the last two in the post-Vedic period. The second part e svdmin > 
means 'a spiritual preceptor, learned brahmana or Pandita' 
(used as a title at the end of names, especially of natives of the 
Karnataka). 6 

2. Jayabhattisvdmin (No. 40, L. 6) : 


The first part of the name is Jayabhatti. Jaya literally means 
triumph or being victorious (in battle, lawsuit, etc.). It was also 
the name of Arjuna (the son of Pandu), Indra, the sun, of an 
attendant of Visnu and of many sages. 7 Bhatta or Bhatti is 
affixed to the names of learned brahmanas. 8 As explained 
above, the second part of the name svamin is the surname 
added to the names of learned brahmanas. Jayabhattisvamin 
was a brahmana and has been mentioned as traividya in sub- 
sequent lines of the inscription 9 (L. 8; L. 9). 


1. Amrtadeva (No. 37, L. 6; L. 14) : 

The first part is Amrta and the second is 'deva'. The term can 
mean 'the god Amrta' which is the name of Lord Visnu or 
we may call him 'the god of nectar' (Amriasya deva). It may 
also be explained as "Whose Lord is the nectar" or 
amrtam devo'sya. He was an inhabitant of Ayodhya. 

2. Deva (No. 16, L. 5) : 

It is an abbreviated name without any surname. Literally it 
means 'god, heavenly, divine' (also said of terrestrial things of 
high excellence.) 10 It is also the name of men, and is used 
as a short form for Devadatta. 11 Deva of our inscription 
belonged to the community of the Caturvedins of the locality 
called Padma in the town of Indrapura. 

3. Devavisnu (No. 16, L, 5) : 

The first part is 'Deva' which means 'god'. The second part is 
Visnu which may be the name of his family deity. Devavisnu 
belonged to the community of Caturvedins of the locality 
called Padma in the city of Indrapura. He performed the 
Agnihotra of the Ranayamya Sakha of the Vedas every day. 

4. Dudlka(No. 16, L. 5) : 

He was a brahmana belonging to the community of Caturvedins 
of the locality known as Padma in the city of Indrapura. He 
h?^been mentioned as the great grand-father of the brah- 
mana Devavisnu, the giver of an endowment for the maintenance 
of a lamp in the temple of the god Sun. 

It is an abbreviated name with the ending "ika* 12 like 
Devika for Devadatta; Yajnika for Yajnadatta and Chadika 
for Chandodatta. 13 


The name 'Dadda', 'Dudda' or 'Dudda' 14 cannot be 
derived from any Sanskrit root. Nor are these names found 
in any Sanskrit or Prakrit dictionary. Dr. H.D. Sankalia 
suggests that these names were derived from the Sanskrit 
term Dardara, 15 meaning 'a mountain', or a region having 
holes or ravines. The man may have shifted from a hilly 

We find references to geographical names like 'Daddara- 
pabbata' and 'Mahadaddara' in the Daddara Jataka. 16 The 
Daddarapabbata may be identified with the mountainous tract 
of Dardistan, lying to the north-west of Kashmir, and south 
of Little Pamir. Since the river Sindhu after its origin in the 
Himalayas near Tibet flows through this country, Panini calls 
the river Ddradi Sindhuh^ 

The people of this tract, the Daradas are mentioned in the 
Mahabharata in the list of the foreign tribes which sprang up 
along with the Yavanas, Mlecchas and Sakas, from the cow 
Kamadhenu, when she was being forcibly driven away by 
Visvamitra from Vasistha's asrama. 18 The Daradas are the 
people, living above Peshawar. 19 But the basic weakness in the 
suggestion made by Dr. H.D. Sankalia 20 is, as he himself 
admits, these names are not found in any Sanskrit or Prakrit 

It may be noted that the words Do da and Dodda are syno- 
nyms used for a brahmana and Dodini stands for a brahmani, 
or a brahmana-woman. 21 These are desya words and hence 
refer to local elements. 

In Punjabi language a person who is very simple or credu- 
lous or who can be very easily cheated is called 'Doda'. It is 
not unlikely that on account of his pious ways and bookish 
approach a brahmana was generally taken to be a simple 
person. In the Sanskrit story books the picture of a typical 
brahmana is that of a simpleton who can be easily duped. 
Hence it is possible that a brahmaaa was called 'Doda' and 
the feminine form of 'Doda' (i.e. Dodini) was used for a 
brahmana -woman. 22 

In Karnataka 'Doddu' means 'big' or elder. 'Dodddcdrya* 
or 'Dudddcdrya' a term of respect for a learned Pandita is also 
used in satire. 


It is interesting to note that Dadda is also an English slang 
word meaning 'a foolish person'. 

5. Haritrdta (No. 16, L. 5) : 

The first part of the name is Hari, which means 'God' and is 
also the name among others of Lord Vistiu and Krsna. Gene- 
rally Hari is derived from \'hf to take away or remove evil or 
sin. 23 The second part 'tratcC means 'protected'. Thus the 
whole literally means 'protected by Hari'. 24 Haritrata was a 
brahmana belonging to the community of the Catur- 
vedins of the locality called Padma in the town named 

6. KarppatikcP* (No. 34, L. 6) : 

The inscription records the purchase of land measuring one 
kulyavapa by a brahmana, named Karppatika, for the purpose 
of his agnihotra rites. 

The word 'Karpatika' or Karpatika means 'acting deceitfully, 
fradulent, dishonest, a rogue, cheat'. 26 It also means a beggar. 27 
Both the meanings may be applied here. 

7. Traividya (No. 40, L. 8; L. 9) : 

His real name which occurs in L. 6 of the inscription was 
'Jayabhattisvamin'. He was also known as Traividya The term 
literally means 'one who knows the three Vedas Rk, Sama 
and Yajus\ 


1. Abhayamitra (No. 48, L. 2; No. 54, L. 2) : 

The name consisting of two parts 'abhaycf and 'mitrcf can 
mean a friend of unfearfulness or 'an unfearful friend'. 'Abhaya' 
is also the name of Lord Siva 28 and 'mitra' is a synonym for 
the god Sun. Thus it may also be a name formed by combining 
the names of two deities as in the case of Ramakrsna. Abhaya- 
mitra was the name of a Buddhist monk who caused a pratimd 
to be built. 

2. Bhadra (No. 22, L. 4) : 

It is the name of a Jaina Acarya. Literally it means 'blessed, 
auspicious, fortunate, prosperous, happy'. Bhadra is also the 
name of Lord Siva. 29 

3. Bhattibhava (No. 31 , L. 2) : 


The image on which the Mathura Jaina Inscription of Kumara- 
gupta I, of G.E. 113 is inscribed was set up by Samadhya (Syama- 
dhya), the daughter of Bhattibhava. Bhattibhava seems to have 
been a brahmana-follower of Jainism. Bhatta or Bhatti, a surname 
meaning 'a teacher' has been put here before Bhava. Bhatti is 
the Prakritised form of Sanskrit 'Bharti' meaning a lord or 
master which came to be accepted as a Sanskrit word. 'Bhava' 
means 'a god, deity' and is also the name of Lord Siva. 
Bhava also means 'prosperity, welfare'. 30 Thus the full name 
literally means 'one who is a (source of) prosperity, for his 
teacher'. It can also be a case of a name after the deity 'Bhava' 
or 'Siva'. 

4. Bhattisoma (No. 15, L. 6) : 

It was the name of a Jaina worshipper. He is described as a 
mahatman the son of Somila who was a treasure-house of 
many virtues. The name Bhatti-soma literally means, "Who is 
just like a Soma (a life-giving element) for his teacher." It can 
as well be a case of a name after the deity Soma. 

5. Buddhamitra (No. II, L. 1) : 

'Buddha' refers to 'Lord Buddha' and 'mitra' means friend. The 
whole thus literally means 'a friend of Lord Buddha'. It is 
the name of a Buddhist monk. 

6. Datilacdryya (No. 31, L. 2) : 

He was a Jaina acfiryya. The correct form of the name should 
have been Dattilacarya. The word seems to be in a Prakritised 
form. According to Monier Williams 31 'Dattila' is one of the 
forms of names terminating in 'datta\ Names like Devadatta 
when contracted may turn into Dattila. 32 Acaryya seems to be 
an epithet. 

7. Gosarmman (No. 22, LL. 4-5) : 

'Go* means cow and sarmman means 'shelter or protection'. 33 
Thus the whole may literally mean 'one who is a shelter for 
the cows'. Acaryya Gosarmman mentioned as a muni seems to 
have been a Jaina Acaryya. 

8. Guhanandin (No. 39, L. 6; L. 13) : 

The first part Guha is the name of Skanda 34 and the second 
part is nandin\ meaning thereby, 'one who is a servant of Lord 
Skanda'. Guhanandin was the name of a Jaina Acaryya. 

The names of the Digarhbara Acaryas of the third and 


fourth centuries, such as Yasonandin Jayanandin, and Kumara- 
nandin generally end in nandin. As Pundravardhana was one 
of the seats of Jaina pontiffs, beginning with Gupti-Gupta or 
Visakhacaryya, the disciple of Bhadrabahu If, it has been 
suggested that Guhanandin also belonged to the same place. 35 

9. Jitasena (No. 52, L. 30) : 

The first part of the name 'Jita 9 means 'won'. 'Sena' the second 
part of the name, generally refers to an army but in the present 
case we may translate it better as 'body' which is supported by 
lexicographers. 36 Thus the whole may literally mean 'One who 
has won the body', i.e. one having control over one's senses'. 
This would suit the context because Jitasena was an acaryya 
of the Buddhist order. 37 

10. Kapiia (No. 41, L. 6) : 

It is a name based on colour. Kapiia means 'monkey-coloured' 
or 'yellow-coloured'. He was one of the teachers of the 
Mahesvara cult and has been mentioned as Bhagavan Kapiia. 

11. Kusika(No. 41, L. 5) : 

He is described as one of the pupils of Lakulin (Nakulin in 
the Vayu Purana), an incarnation of Mahesvara. 38 It is an 
abbreviated name formed by the addition of the surffix 'ika'. 
According to lexicographers literally Kusika means 'squint- 
eyed'. 39 In the present inscription the name has the epithet 
bhagavan prefixed to it. 

12. Madra(No. 15, L. 8) : 

He was a follower of Jaina cult full of affection for brahmanas 
and religious preceptors and ascetics and set up five stone 
images of Adikartrs or Tlrtharhkaras, i. e. the five images in 
the niches of the column and the column itself, at the village 
of Kakubha, i.e., Kahaum. 

Madra is the name of a country to the north-west of 
Hindustan proper, or a king (pi. the people) of this country. 
It was also the name of a son of Sibi (the progenitor of the 
Madras). 40 Madrl, we get the name of a princess of Madra. 41 
Literally it means 'joy'. 42 

13. Parasara (No. 41, L. 6) : 

He is mentioned as an acarya of the Mahesvara cult. The epi- 
thet 'Bhagavan' has been prefixed to his name. Literally 
Parasara means 'a crusher, destroyer'. 43 Parasara is also the 


name of an ancient sage, an authority on Jyotisa, Krsi, 
Vrksayurveda and Dharmasastra. 

14. Parsva (No. 22, L. 3) : 

The name has its origins in Parsva or Parsvanatha; the best of 
the Jinas. It is the name of the 23rd Arhat of the present 
cycle and his servant. 44 

15. Rudrasoma (No. 15, L. 7) : 

He is the son of Bhattisoma who has been mentioned as a 
tnahatma. He is described as having another appellation of 
Vyaghra. 45 It may be a name formed by the combination .of 
the names of two deities Rudra and Soma. 

16. $amkara(No. 22, L. 6) : 

It is the name of a Jaina monk 46 , who installed an image 
of Parsvanatha. Literally meaning 'causing prosperity', it is 
one of the common names of Lord Siva. 47 The present case 
goes against the traditions of the Smrtis which forbid the 
giving of the names of deities directly to human beings. 

17. Sanasiddha (No. 23, L. 1; L. 9) : 

It was the name of an upasaka. It seems to be a Prakritised form 
of Sanskrit 'svayam siddhcf 48 , meaning 'existing on one's own 
strength'. Another possibility is that as 'sana* means 'old, 
ancient', 49 the whole may mean 'Siddha of old'. It may be 
noted that in the Aitareya Brahmana sanasruta (meaning 
famous of old) appears as the name of a man. 

18. Santideva (No. 52, L. 4) : 

He was a Buddhist monk of the Mahayana school and has 
been mentioned as Acaryya Santideva. 50 The name Santideva 
was quite popular among the Buddhists. Literally the name 
means 'the god of tranquillity or prosperity'. 

19. Somila (No. 15, L. 6) : 

It is the name of a follower of Jainism whose great grandson 
Madra is mentioned as having established the five excellent 
images referring to the five named Jaina Tlrthamkaras sculp- 
tured on the column (viz., Adinatha, Santinatha, Neminatha, 
Parsvanatha andMahavira). 51 Somila can be an abbreviated form 
of the name 'Somadatta'. 52 In Punjabi usage a person named 
'Somadatta' may be addressed as 'Somi; Somila may be a similar 
form convenient to utter. Somila can also be formed by adding 
' suffix to the word 'Soma' and hence meaning 'full of 


Soma'. Somila was the name of a poet. 53 Kalidasa also men- 
tions a poet named Saumila (identical with Somila) along 
with Bhasa. 54 Jn the Kathasaritsagara Somila is the name 
of an Asura. 

20. Udi(ta)caryya (No. 41, L. 8) : 

Udita means 'proclaimed' or 'high' 55 and 'acaryya' means 
teacher, the whole literally meaning 'a high teacher'. Arya 
Uditacaryya was one of the acaryyas of the Mahe^vara cult, 
tenth from the Bhagavan Kusika and fourth from the Bhagavan 

21 Upamita(No. 41, L. 7) : 

Literally the name means "compared or illustrated by 
comparison 1 '. 58 or in other words 'one who is quoted for com- 
parison, i.e., very high or perfect'. Upamita was one of the 
acaryyas of lite Mahesvara cult. 

EPIC and Puranic Names 

In our inscriptions we get references to Epic and Puranic 
names which are as follows : 

1. Bali (No. 14, L. 2): 

The reference to Bali comes in connection with the praise of 
Lord Visnu. 57 Literally meaning 'one who is powerful or 
vigorous', Bali was the son of Virocana and the grandson of 
Prahlada and has been the king of the Asuras. 58 A famous 
legend about him runs thus The demon Bali, by his austeri- 
ties acquired the dominion over the three worlds, and caused 
annoyance and anxiety to the gods. Visnu then reincarnated 
himself as a dwarf, appeared before Bali, and asked for as 
much land as he could cover with three strides. Bali assented 
to his request, and Visnu with two strides covered the heavens 
and the earth, but, in commiseration for Bali, who then 
humbled himself, left him the dominion over the lower 
regions below the earth. 59 We get a reference to this legend 
as early as in the Visnusukta of the Rgveda. 60 

2. Buddha (No. 23, LL. 6-7) : 

He has been given the epithet 'The Divine' (Bhagavan Buddha). 
He is mentioned in connection with a Buddhist temple. Literally 
the name means awakened, conscious or intelligent. For 
Buddhists it stands for a fully enlightened man who has 
achieved perfect knowledge of the truth and thereby is liberated 
from all existence and before his own attainment of Nirvana 
reveals the method of obtaining it. The principal Buddha of 
the present age was born at Kapilavastu in the year 566 B.C. 61 
His father Suddhodana was the Raja of that district. His 
mother was MayadevI, and his original name was Siddhartha. 
He belonged to the Ksatriya Sakya tribe, while Gautama 
seems to refer to the race to which his family belonged. He 
had left his home in quest of truth and after a concentrated 


meditation for a few years attained the discovery of truths 
and was called the Buddha or the enlightened. 62 

3. Krsna (No. 13, L. 13) : 

It is a name based on colour, meaning black-dark, dark-blue. 
"Vasudeva, a descendant of Yadu and Yayati, had by his 
second wife DevakI, eight sons of whom the last, Krsna, was 
born with black skin and a peculiar mark on his breast". 65 
Yasoda was Krsna's foster-mother to whom he was shifted in 
Gokula or Vraja immediately after his birth to escape the 
cruel hands of Kamsa. In our inscription Skandagupta has been 
compared with Lord Krsna, who after slaying his enemy 
Kamsa had returned to his mother DevakI. 64 

4. Partha (No. 17, L. 14; No. 19, L. 5) : 

In No. 17, king ViSvavarman is compared with Partha in 
(heroic) deeds of war. Jn No. 19 Bhaniigupta is described as 
a mighty king equal to Partha, exceedingly heroic. Partha is 
formed from Prtha and is a metronymic for Arjuna who has 
been mentioned in the Puranas, as the husband of Subhadra 
and father of Abhimanyu. 65 

5. Prthu (No. 2, LL. 7-8) : 

Samudragupta is stated to have surpassed the kings like 
Prthu and Raghava in giving gold. Literally Prthu means 
broad, wide, expansive, extensive, spacious or large. 66 

About nineteen Prthus have been mentioned in the Puranas, 67 
the most important and famous being the Vainya. Here the : 
reference seems to this Prthu, the Vainya; 

He is the son of Vena got out of by the churning his 
right arm by the sages to save him from falling into hell 
and is considered the ninth incarnation of Hari. He was the : 
first king who introduced agriculture. Due to scarcity of: 
supply when people complained of hunger, he armed his. 
arrow and the earth was milked. Hilly tracts were levelled 
and different kinds of villages, cities and towns were organised 
for the first time; Prthu has been panegyrised by the Gandhar- 
vas, and Siddhas playing on different musical instruments. 68 

6. Raghava (No. 2, L. 8) : 

Samudragupta is mentioned to have surpassed the kings like 
Prthu and Raghava in giving gold. 69 , Raghava literally means 
a descendant of Raghu, 70 and is used as a patronymic of Aja> 


of Dasaratha and of Ramacandra. In dual number (raghavau) 
it refers to Rama and Laksmana. 71 

7. Sagara (No. 36, L. 12; No. 37, L. 21) : 

He is mentioned in these inscriptions as a donor of lands. 72 

Literally Sagara means 'containing poison or poisonous' 
It is the name of a king of the solar race, sovereign of Ayodhya, 
son of Bahu. He is said to have been called Sa-gara, as born 
together with a poison administered to his mother by the co- 
wives of her husband. He was father of Asamanjasa by KesinI 
and of sixty thousand sons by Sumati; the latter were turned 
into a heap of ashes by the sage Kapila, and their funeral 
ceremonies could only be performed by the waters of Ganga 
to be brought from heaven for the purpose of purifying their 
remains; this was finally accomplished by Bhaglratha. 73 

8. Vyasa (No. 28, L. 21; No. 29, L. 14; No. 36, L. 15; No. 
43, L. 30; No. 44, L. 21; No. 52, LL. 11-12) : 

Vyasa has been mentioned as Bhagavan (venerable) Vyasa in 
No. 28; as Dvaipayana in No. 29 and as Vedavyasa in No. 44. 
In No. 43, there is a reference to his sayings in the Maha- 
bharata. 74 In No. 52 he is described as the compiler of the 
Vedas and as a son of Parasara. 75 

Literally Vyasa means 'division or extension' and as the 
name of a person it signifies an arranger, complier or narrator. 
Vyasa is said to have rearranged the Vedas into four parts, 
and taught each of them to four respective pupils Paila, 
VaiSarhpayana, Jaimini and Sumantu; he also rearranged 
Itihasa Puranas and composed the Bharata and the Bhaga- 
vata. 76 Subsequently, the name Vyasa came to be applied to 
any great typical compiler or author. 77 He was the son of the 
sage Parasara and was brought forth by his mother Satyavati 
on an island in the river Yamuna. Hence he is also known 
as Dvaipayana and Badarayana. 78 As he was called Krsna- 
Dvaipayana, it seems that Vyasa, Dvaipayana, and Badarayana 
were epithets; his original name might have been Krsna due to 
Ms dark complexion, 79 and he was called 'Dvaipayana for 
being born on an island (dvlpa)' 

9. Yudhisthira (No. 28, L. 24; No. 29, L. 16; No. 35, L. 12; 

No. 36, L. 17; No. 43, L. 33; No. 44, L. 24; No. 52, 
L. 14) : 


He is mentioned in the imprecatory verses and is described 
as the best of kings. Literally meaning 'firm or steady in 
battle', it was the name of the eldest of the five sons of Pandu. 
He was father of Prativindhya and Sudhanu and before his 
death installed his grandson Parlksita on the throne (at Has- 
tinapur) and Vajra at Mathura. 80 


1. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 118; Fz. p. 493, col. 3. 

2. Fz. p. 80, col. 2-3. 

3. Ibid., p. 801, col. 3. 

4. Ibid., p. 534, col. 3. 

5. Ibid. 

6. Ibid., p. 1248, col. 1. We find Svamin frequently used in the names 
of Western Ksatraps. 

7. Ibid., p. 412, col. 3. 

8. Ibid., p. 745, col. 1; cf. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 148. 

9. No. 40, L. 8; L. 9. 

10. Fz. p. 492, col. 2. 

11. Ibid., col. 3; Panini, V.3.83, Varttika, 4. 

12. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 190; Panini, V.3.78. 

13. Ibid. 

14. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 108. 

15. Fz. p. 470, col. 1. 

16. Malalasekera, Dx., I, p. 1055. 

17. V.S. Agrawala, "Geographical Data in Panini's Atadhyayi", VJ. 

18. Adi Parvan, adhyaya, 175. 

19. Fz. p. 470, col. 1. 

20. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 108-109. 

21. Xy. p. 374: *fe <r (%) 

22. Ibid., p. 222. 

23. Fz. p. 1289, col. 3. 

24. Ibid., p. 1290. 

25. The reading is checked by me. 

26. Xy. p. 222. 

27. Ibid. 

28. Fz. 60, col. 3. 

29. Ibid., p. 745, col. 3. 

30. Ibid., pp. 748-49, col. 3-1. 

31. Ibid., p. 467, col. 3. 

32. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 192. 


33. Fz. p. 1058, col. 2. 

34. Ibid., p. 360, col. 2. 

35. Gj. XX, No. 5, p. 60. 

36. Fz. p. 1246, col. 2. 

38. (i) Vayu Purana, ch. 23, Vs. 210-13. 
(ii) Linga Purana, ch. 24, Vs. 127-131 . 

(iii) About Lakulin or Lakulisa (holder of a club) : 

QJ. XXII, 151ff; GJ. XXI, Iff. GJ. XXI, 5-7, Rz. 
pp. 453-54. 

39. Fz. p. 297, col. 2. 

40. Ibid., p. 779, col. 1. 

41. Panini, IV. 1.177. 

42. Ibid., II.3.73. TTsf a^T, <T*t, "Joy to him." 

43. Fz. p. 591, col. 1. 

44. Ibid., p. 662, col. 2. 

45. No. 15, L. 7 ; 


47. Fz. p. 1054, col. 3. 


49. Fz. p. 1141, co. 1. 


51. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 317, f.n. 3. 

52. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 191-92. 

53. Fz. p. 1251, col. 2. 


f^TRT. . . I 

55. Fz. p. 186, col. 1-2. 

56. Ibid., p. 203, col. 3. 

57. feqirftrfT^W 


58. V.R.R. Diksitar, Jy Vol. II, p. 469. 

59. (Dx) 1 , p. 62, note I. 

60. Rgveda, I. 154. 

61. R.C. Majumdar, L. p. 168. 

62. Ibid,, p. 169. 

63. Fz. p. 306, col. 2; 

Jg. Vol. I, pp. 435-450. 

64. No. 13, V. 6, : 

"It has been suggested that his mother's name was'Devaki, but this 



view rests merely on an analogy which the poet had drawn between his 
visit to his widowed mother after his victory and that of Krsna to Devaki. 
This analogy might have been due to similarity of circumstances rather 
than similarity of names." R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 176-177. 

65. Jg. Vol. II, p. 318. 

66. Fz. p. 646, col. 2. 

67. Jg. Vol. II, pp. 381-4. 

68. Ibid., pp. 381-2. 

69. No. 2, L. 8. 

70. Jg. Vol. Ill, p. 43. Raghu has been known as the son of Dirgha- 
bahu, and a man of everlasting glory. His son was Aja. 

71. Fz. p. 872, col. 2. 

72. No. 36, L. 12; No. 37, L. 21 : 
^ffa^nprr 3trr TMf^rnrTfefa: i 

73. Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 501-2. 
Fz. p. 1125, col. 1-2. 

74. No. 43, L. 30 : g*Rf 

75. No. 52, LL. 11-12 : 

76. Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 349-50. 

77. Fz. p. 1035. col. 2; some scholars doubt the historicity of Vyasa 
as a person and consider him to be a mythical personage, or that it 
simply meant 'an arranger' (Kalyana, Year 41, No. 7, July, 1967, Gita 
Press, Gorakhpur, pp. 1036-38). Vyasa appears as the term for a narrator 
of the Epics and the Puranas. It came to refer to learned brahmanas who 
did this work. It appears that Vyasa was really a historical person, who 
rearranged the Vedas and the Puranas. He seems to have started a tradi- 
tion or school of learning. After his death his name was associated with 
his chair or seat of learning which was maintained by his successors or 
disciples. Vyasa is still the gotra of many families. The literary refe- 
rences to Vyasa are available in the Brahmanas and the Sutra literature 
as well as in the Mahabharata and the later Sanskrit literature (op. cit., 
Kalyana, pp. 1038-41). Here we do not propose to enter into the compli- 
cated question of the date of Vyasa and connected events and characters. 
But, as is well known the Period of the Brahmanas is generally supposed 
to extend from 1000 B.C. to 600 B.C., likewise the Sutra literature is taken 
to extend from sixth or seventh century before Christ to about the second 
century. The Mahabharata is generally supposed to have taken its present 
form in the long interval from the fifth century B.C. to A.D. 400. But the first 
compilation of the kernel of the Mahabharata story from scattered gathas 
may be placed much earlier. This receives some support from the tradi- 
tion of three stages in the evolution of the Mahabharata text. If Vyasa 
is accepted as a contemporary of Krna and of the Mahabharata war we 
may place Vyasa round about 1000 B.C. 

78. Ibid., p. 727, col. 3 : Badara means 'water' ; one who is brought 


forth in water may be called Badarayana. 

79. Jg. Vol. I, p. 450 : See Krna II. 

80. Fz. p. 855, col. 1; 

Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 32-33. 

Names of Women 

We have already discussed the names of queens in another 
context. Here we confine ourselves to other feminine names. 

1. Damasvdmini (No. 55, LL. 3-4) : 

She is said to have raised a pillar in the memory of her dead 
parents at Rajghat in Varanasl. 

The first part of the name, Daman, means a 'rope' or 
'girdle' 1 (originally 'bond', from v 'da 'to bind'). But the 
Amarakosa gives a better explanation which takes us nearer 
to the original meaning. It explains 'Daman' 1 as ( Sanddnam\ 
i.e., a rope tethered to a cow at the time of milking it. 2 The 
second part of the name is 'svaminV which means 'a propri- 
etress, mistress' or owner of (gen., loc. or comp.). 3 

The parents might have given her this name out of affec- 
tion as she was a helping hand in tethering the rope to the 
cow while milking it. 4 The name indicates affection by the 

2. DevakI (Wo. 13, L. 13) : 

The reference comes in the passage which describes how 
Skandagupta returned victorious to his mother just as Lord 
Krsna went to DevakI after killing his enemy. 5 Sewell suggests 
that the name of Skandagupta's mother was DevakI and he 
has been followed by some other scholars. According to D.C. 
Sircar the simile may further suggest that some maternal uncle 
of Skandagupta actually fought against him in support of his 
rival and that his mother, possibly not the chief queen of his 
father, had to experience difficulties for sometime. 6 

DevakI is a patronymic formed by adding T suffix to 
Devaka, literally meaning 'divine, celestial', who was her 
father. 7 She was the wife of Vasudeva and the mother of 
Krsna. 8 

3. Harisvamim (No. 23, LL. 1, 10) : 


Upasikd (lay-worshipper) HarisvaminI, was the wife of Updsaka 
Sanasiddha who donated money to the Arya-samgha (commu- 
nity of the faithful) at the great vihafa (Buddhist convent) of 
Kakanadabota (i.e., the great stupp at Sand) for feeding 
one Bhiksu everyday and maintaining lamps in the shrines of 
the Buddha.^ 

The first part of the name, Hari , stands alike for Lord 
Krsna, Visnu and Siva. The second part is 'SvaminV meaning 
mistress. Thus the whole literally means 'one who has Hari 
as her master'. 

4. Padmavati (No. 22, L. 5) : 

She was the mother of Sarhkara, an ascetic, under whose instruc- 
tions the image of the Jina-vara-parsvanatha was made. 

In the inscription we have the un-Paninian use of the locative 
'Padmavatau' in place of 'Padmavatyam' but it seems to have 
been done to suit the metre. 

Padmavati is a synonym far Laksml. In India it has been a 
popular name for women. 10 

5. Rami(No. 28, LL. 4, 12, 17) : 

She has been mentioned as the wife of a brahmana, named 

Kami means 'darkness or night'. 11 It may mean 'a woman 
of dark complexion' or it can be a patronymic from Rama. 12 
Monier Williams mentions the form with short '/' suffix (Rami) 
but it can be with long 7' as well, as we have 'Devakl' a 
patronymic from Devaka. 13 Chatterji mentions it to be a 
feminine form of Rama and considers it a naming pattern 
prevalent among the lower classes 14 

6. Sdbhdti (No. 55, L. 3) : 

The form of the name should have better been Sabhati. She 
was the mother of DamasvaminI who raised a pillar in her 

The name seems to have some relation with the word 
Sabha* 5 It can be an adjective from the word Sabhd combined 
with \/'af to move. Literally it may mean "one who moves 
in assemblies". 

7. amadhya(No. 31, L. 2) : 

Samadhya is a Prakritized form of the word 'Syamadhya'. She 
was the daughter of Bhattib hava and the wife of the ferryman 




The first part sama' is a contraction of Sanskrit 
Literally the name may mean 'Sydmena adhya\ i.e., having a 
dark or swarthy complexion which in Sanskrit poetic tradition 
is considered a mark of beauty. 17 


We may review our discussion before we conclude as follows : 

Names of the Gupta kings 

Among the names of the Gupta kings 'Gupta' is an example 
of an abbreviated name. Chatotkaca. Chatotkacagupta, PQru- 
guptaand Vainyagupta are the Epic names. Budhagupta is a 
naksatra-nama (name based on constellation). Bhanugupta is a 
name based on the Sun god. 

Govindagupta, Narasirhhgupta and Visnugupta are Vaisna- 
vite names. Candragupta (I), Samudragupta, Candragupta (II), 
Kumaragupta (I), Skandagupta, Kumaragupta (II) and Kumara- 
gupta (III) are Saivite names. The names of Skandagupta and 
Kumaragupta exhibit the popularity of the war-god Skanda or 
Karttikeya. 18 

The names Candragupta and Kumargupta were repeated in 
the Gupta family which is against the Mahabhasya rule 19 that 
the first part of the name can be borrowed from one of the 
three male ancestors but the second part of the name should 
be different. It may be said that the repetition of the second 
part could not be avoided due to the tendency of the Guptas 
to add to their names the termination 'Gupta' which had 
almost become their family name. 

Names of the Gupta queens 

Among the names of the Gupta Queens KumaradevI, 
Anantadevi, Candradevi, Srlvatsadevi and MitradevI were 
after gods. In DattadevI, the name-ending termination 'datta' 
forms the first part of the name. The name Dhruvadevl or 
Dhruvasvamini was based on Dhruva (polar star). This was 
against Smrti injunctions. Manu says that a brahmana should 
not marry a maiden who bears the name of a constellation, 
tree or river, of a low caste, of a mountain, of a bird, snake 


or slave, or of anything terrifying. 20 The names of women 
derived from the names of the naksatras are forbidden by the 
Dharmasutras. 21 

Devi meaning goddess is the common termination in all the 
names except Dhruvasvaminl which ends in Svamini meaning 

It is interesting to note that Kamarupa king Pusyavarman's 
son Samudravarman was named after the Gupta king Samudra- 
gupta. Moreover, Samudravarman's queen took the same name 
as that of the queen of Samudragupta, i.e. Dattadevi. 22 Barua 
considers Samudravarman to be the contemporary of Candra- 
gupta II, Vikramaditya and the celebrated poet Kalidasa. 23 

We also take into account the other feminine names which 
are as follows : 

(i) DamasvaminI 
(ii) Devaki 

(iii) HarisvaminI 

(iv) PadmavatI 
(v) RamI 

(vi) Sabhati 

(vii) amadhya 

In feminine names we notice the terminations svaminl and 
vati. We find that the feminine names in our inscriptions 
generally end in T. 

Now we classify the names according to the deities they 
represent. Some names were used by more than one person 
and somehow seem to have been popular. As they appear in 
more than one inscription and for different individuals we have 
listed them separately. 

Saivite Names 

1. Acyutabhadra 2. Sivakunda 

3. Ratibhadra 4. Bhavanatha 

5. Kumarabhava 6. Bhavaraksita 

7. Rudrabhava 8. HimaSarmman 

9. Sarvvadasa 10. Aparasiva 

11. Bhavadatta 12. Vasu&va 

13. Guhavisnu 14. Jyesthadama 

15. Kumaravisnu 16. Kumaradeva 



17. Sarvvavisnu 

19. Somavisnu 

21. Bhava 

23. Boyila 

25. Guha 

27. Samkara 

29. Damarudra 

31. ISvaracandra 

33. Kumarabhuti 

35. Kumarayasas 

37. Mahasena 

39. Sthanudatta 

41. Mahasenadatta 

43. Sivasarmman 

45 Abhayamitra 

47. Bhadra 

49. Bhattibhava 

51. Bhattisoma 

54. Guhanandin 

56. Kusika 

58-60. Kumaragupta (I), 

and (III) 

62. Somila 

64. Upamita 

66. Sambapala 

68. Skandapala 

7Q. Prabhucandra 

72. Rudradasa 

74. Sthanunandin 

Vaisnavite Names 

1. Jayadatta 

3. Krsnadatta 

5. Harideva 

7. Bhima 

9. Krsnadasa 

11. Gopadatta 

13. Haridasa 

15. Visnudatta 

18. Svamicandra 

20. ivanandin 

22. Somapala 

24. Stambhesvardasa 

26. Ganapati 

28. Ganapatinaga 

30. Candravarmman 

32. Rudradatta 

34. Rudradeva 

36. Ugrasena 

38. Acyutanandin 

40. Bhima 

42. Bhimavarman 

44. Ciratadatta 

46. Sikharasvamin 

48. Candragupta 

50. Sarvvanaga 

52-53. Candragupta (I) and (II) 

55. Samudragupta 

57. Rudrasoma 

(II) 61. Skandagupta 

63. Udi(ta)caryya 

65. Kumaradevi 

67. Anantadevl 

69. Candradevi 

71. Surasmicandra 

73. Sasinandin 

2. Hari-Sresthin 

4. Sridatta 

6. Srldeva 

8. Krsnamitra 

10. Srlnatha 

12. Harisarmman 

14. Jayasvamin 

16. Guhavisnu 



17. Dhrtivisnu 

19. Harisimha 

21. Gopala 

23. Srlbhadra 

25. Visnubhadra 

27. ...visnu 

29. Gopasvamin 

31. Srlbhadra 

33 Acyuta 

35. Gopala 

37. Guha 

39. Hari 

41. Nabhaka 

43. Visva 

45. Nandadama 

47. Srlbhadra 

49; Visvavarmman 

5 1 . Vi snupalitabhatta 

53. Gopadevasvamin 

55. Jayabhattisvamin 

57. Devavisnu 

59. Haritrata 

61. Devakl 

63. Harisvamini 

65. Padmavati 

67. Govindagupta 

69. AnantadevI 

7 1 . Narasi rhhagupta 

18. Jay a visnu 

20. Kirttivisnu 

22. Kumaravisnu 

24. Sarvvavisnu 

26. Somavisnu 

28. Yafovisnu 

30. Harisena 

32. Acyuta nandin 

34. Dhanyavisnu 

36. Harivisnu 

38. Indra visnu 

40. Matrvisnu 

42. Varunavisnu 

44. Visnudasa 

46. Visnugopa 

48. Goparaja 

50. Kurma(a)ravyabhajta 

52. Acyuta 

54. Madhava 

56. Harisena 

58. Gopasvamin 

60. Harisena 

62. Cakrapalita 

64. Jayadatta 

66. Acyutadasa 

68. Visnugupta 

70. SrlvatsadevI 

Names based on Skanda or Karttikeya 

1. Kumarabhava 

2. Guhavisnu 

3. Kumaravisnu 

4. Kumaravisnu 

5. Kumarabhuti 

6. Kumarayasas 

7. Mahasena 

8. Mahasenadatta 

9. Guhanandin 



10. Skandapala 

1 1 . Kumaradeva 

12.- 14. Kumaragupta (I), (II) and (III) 
15. Skandagupta 

Names based on Ganapati 

1. Ganapati 

2. Ganapatinaga 

Names based on Moon 

\ . Himasarmman 

2. Sornavisnu 

3. Somila 

In order to determine the prevalence of aivite names we 
may keep out of our consideration, names which are not directly 
based on iva but are based on auxiliary deities. Names based 
on god Moon are Bhattisoma, Isvaracandra, Prabhucandra, 
SaSinandin, Svamicandra, Somapala, Candravarmman, Candra- 
gupta (I) and (II), queen CandradevI and Sura$micandra. 

Names based on Lord Krsna 

1 . Krsnadatta 

2. Harideva 

3. Kfsnamitra 

4. Haris*armman 

5. Gopala 

6. Hari 

7. Nandadama 

8. Gopadevasvamin 

9. Haritrata 

10. Krsna 

1 1 . DevakI 

12. Harisvamin! 

13. Hari-sresthin 

14. Krsnadasa 

15. Gopadatta 

16. Haridasa 

17. Harisimha 


18. Gopala 

19. Gopasvamin 

20. Harisena 

21. Harivisnu 

22. Visnugopa 

23. Goparaja 

24. Harisena 

25. Gopasvamin 

26. Harisena 

27 Govindagupta 

Though Krsna is an incarnation of Visnu 24 , for determining 
the currency of names based on Visnu directly, we will not 
count names based on Krsna. 

Lord Rama is believed to be the seventh incarnation of Visnu. 
Rama occurring in our inscriptions seems to have been Rama 
Raghava. The names based on Rama are given below : 

Names based on Rama 

1. Laksmanasarmman 

2. Ramasvamin 

3. Raghava 

4. Ram! 

5. Laksmana 

6. Ramadasa 

7. Rama 

8. Ramaka 

9. Ramasarmman 

Other minor deities of the period which emerge out from 
an analysis of the proper names are as follows : 

Names based on Naga 

1 . Nagadeva 

2. Rajyanaga 

3. Viranaga 

4. Sarppapalita 

5. Ahisarmman 

6. Nagasarmman 

7. Bhatanandin 

8. Nagadatta 


9. Amrakarddava 

10. Nagasena 

1 1 . Anantadevi 

Names based on Indra 

1. Puramdara 

2. Jayanandin 

3. Mahendragiri 

4. Devaraja 

5. Indravisnu 

Names based on Sun 

1 . Bhaskara 

2. Adityabandhu 

3. Divakaranandin 

4. Arkkadasa 

5. Ravila 

6. Prabhakara 

7. Devabhattaraka 

8. Bhanugupta 

9. Mitradevl 

The only name based on Goddess Durga is 'Durgadatta\ 
The two names based on Matr cult (seven Matrkas) 
follow : 

1. Matrdasa 

2. Matrvisnu 

There is only one name based on god Varuna (Sea-god),, 
which is Varunavisnu. 

The names based on Nara form of God are Narayanadasa^ 
Naradeva and Nara-Nandin. 

We find that both the Saivite and Vaisnavite names are 
almost equal in number. If we delete the names of allied deities 
we get about 51 Saivite names and 44 Vaisnavite names. 
Thus Saivite names seem to be more popular. An indication of 
the leaning of the Gupta kings towards Vaisnavism is clear 
from the Garuda emblem of the Guptas. 25 The gupta monarchs 
also used the title 'Paramabhagavata' i.e.; the devout devotee 
of Visnu, in their imperial records. Majority of the names of 
Guptas show a preference for Saivism. We know from the 


Mathura Pillar Inscription of the year 61 (No. 41) about the 
Lakulisa sect of the Pasupatas which was very popular at 
Mathura. Kusika one of the four main disciples of its founder 
Lakulisa who is regarded as the last incarnation of iva finds 
mention in this record. Parasara, Upamita, Kapila and Udita 
were the Pasupata teachers, who flourished in the Gupta 
period. We know of the prevalence of the worship of goddess 
Durga and Siva's two sons, Karttikeya and Ganesa. There are 
two names based on Cupid (god of love) which are Ratibhadra 
and Maravisa. The popularity of Naga worship in the Gupta 
period known from other sources is confirmed by an analysis 
of the names. Other categories of names are Buddhist and Jaina 
names which also indicate popularity of Hindu sects to some 
extent. They are as follows : 

1 . Abhayamitra 

2. Guhanandin 

3. Gosarmman 

4. Jitasena 

5. Dat(tt)ilacarya 

6. ParsVa 

7. Buddhamitra 

8. Bhattibhava 

9. Bhattisoma 

10. Bhadra 

1 1 . Madra 

12. Rudrasoma 

13. Sarhkara 

14. Santideva 

15. Sanasiddha 

16. Somila 

17. Buddha 

18. Samghiladeva 

19. Samghila 

A large number of names discussed by us reveal an incli- 
nation towards Saivism. Biihler had already proved from the 
date of the Sanci Stupa Inscriptions that the worship of Visnu 
and Siva is older than Buddhism and Jainism. It can be gues- 
sed that the donors mentioned in the records or their ancestors 
adhered to these creeds .before their conversion and that they 


received their names in accordance with the established customs 
of their families. 26 

We also find some Epic and Puranic names which show 
the popularity of the Epics and the Puranas. The names are : 

1 . Ghatotkaca 

2. Ghatotkacagupta 

3. Purugupta 

4. Vainyagupta 

5. Partha 

6. Prthu 

7. Vyasa 

8. Yudhisthira 

9. Bhlma 

10. Dhananjaya 

1 1 . Sagara 

1 2. Parasara 

Another considerable group of proper names is derived 
from the names of Naksatras. This shows that the rule in the 
Grhyasutras recommending the use of Naksatra names, was 
obeyed. These names are as follows : 

1 . Pusyamitra 

2. Dhruvasarman 

3. DhruvadevI, DhruvasvaminI (against the rules in case 
of women) 

4. Budhagupta 

Madra and Khasaka are the two names which may be termed 
as tribal names, presumably pointing to the tribes to which 
they belonged. 

Names based on colour are (1) Kalaka, (2) Kapila, (3) 
Pingala and (4) Nllaraja. 

The names based on animals are Sirhhaha(da)tta, Simha- 
nandin, Ganda, Sarabharaja, Vyaghraraja, Hastivarmman, 
Chagalaga and Sandaka. 

The names based on abstract qualities are : (1) Bhadradeva 
ICamanakunda, Rupa&rmman, Susarmman, Bandhumitra, 
Amrtadeva, Samadhya, Ribhupala, Dhrtimitra, Matidatta, 
Ksemadatta, Balavarmman, Dhruvabhuti, Matila,and Vlrasena. 
We can also classify the names into two categories, Sanskrit 
and non-Sanskrit or Prakrit names. A few of the second group 


may be enumerated here : 

1 . Piccakunda 

2. Prabhamitra 

3. Kahkuti 

4. Bonda 

5. Vailinaka 

6. Karppatika 

7. Ri&datta 

8. Rami 

9. Dudika 
10. Lidhaka 

The names of brahmanas occurring in our inscriptions 
sometimes end in a non-brahmanic cognomen such as Bhatta, 
Datta and Kunda, etc., which are available in the inscrip- 
tions of Bengal. Surnames like Datta, Dama, Pajita, Pala, 
Kunda (Kundu), Dasa, Naga and Nandin are now confined 
to Kayasthas of Bengal but not to brahmanas. Bhandarkar 27 
has pointed out that identical surnames are used by the 
Nagara-brahmanas. It cannot be said definitely whether the 
name-endings in daman occurring in the names of several 
aka satraps portraying Iranian influence 28 have any relation- 
ship with the name-ending 'daman' found in our records. 

Noticing brahmanic names with a large number of modern 
Bengali Kayastha cognomens in several early epigraphs 
discovered in Bengal, some scholars have suggested that there 
is a considerable brahmana element in the present day Kayastha 
community of Bengal. Originally the professions of Kayastha 
(scribe) and Vaidya (physician) were not restricted and could 
be followed by people of different Varnas including the 
brahmanas. So there is every probability that a number of 
brahmana families were mixed up with members of other 
Varnas in forming the present Kayastha and Vaidya commu- 
nities of Bengal. 29 

Kayasthas frequently figure in our inscriptions usually 
as professional writers. The office of Kayastha (scribe) seems 
to have been instituted before the beginning of Gupta period. 
It seems likely that they had not developed into a caste during 
our period "This may account for the non-reference to them 
as a caste in the contemporary Smrtis". 30 Majumdar 31 says 


that the Gupta emperors were vaisyas but this is wrong, as we 
have shown that they were certain lynon- vaisyas. 

Professions were not determined rigidly according to caste. 
We find in our records that some brahmanas followed non- 
brahmanical professions. Likewise some ksatriyas followed 
non-ksatriya professions. We find in the Eran Stone Pillar 
Inscription of Budhagupta, of the year 165 (No. 18) that 
Matrvisnu, a brahmana, was a feudatory of the Guptas in 
Central India. Indravisnu, and Varunavisnu the great grand- 
father and grand-father respectively of the donor are described 
as pious brahmanas who were engaged in spiritual and religious 
pursuits. In the Inscription the heroic and victorious character 
of Matrvisnu is stated. From the Indor Copper Plate Inscrip- 
tion of Skandagupta of the year 146 (No. 16), we come to 
know that two ksatriyas Acalavarman and Bhrukunthasimha 
were merchants of the town of Indrapura in U.P. 


1. Vg. part I, p. 351. 

2. Amarakola, 2.9.73, p. 331. 

3. Fz. p. 1284, see Svamin and Svamini. 

4. Cf. Uy. 3/4 p. 146. 

'A daughter is called 'Duhita' as she milks the cow. 

5. No. 13. V. 6. 

6. Hz. p. 323, note 2. 

7. See Fz. p. 495, col. 2-3. 

8. Ibid., col. 3. 
9. (Dx) 1 p. 261. 

10. Fz. p. 585, col. 1 

11. Ibid., p. 877, col. 1 

12. Ibid., p. 878, col. 3. 

13. Supra, See Devaki 

14. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part, II, p. 695 : 

"Rami(< Rama), s(y)ami (< Syama), Baml (Varna, Vami). 

15. Fz. p. 1204, col. 2. 

16. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part II, p. 695 : 
s(y)ami (< Syamd). 

17. Fz. 1094, col. 2. 

18. Cf. H,D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 107. 

19. JJ. XIV, p. 242 (Mahabhasya, ed. by Kielhorn, Vol. I, p. 4). 

20. Manu-smrti, III. 8-9. 

21. Varaha-Grhya-sutra, III, 1-3 : JJ. XIV, p. 233 : Cf. Pargiter, M. 
pp. 134-6. 


22. K.L. Barua, Zz. p. 41 . 

23. Ibid., p. 43. 

24. Fz. p. 877, col. 2. 

25. No. 1, L. 24. 

26. Cf. GJ. II, p. 95, p. 366 if. 

27. GJ. 19, p. 246. 

28. Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 13, 77-78. 

29. JJ.19, pp. 17-18. 

30. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p . 345. 

31. Ibid., p. 344. 



CTT i arTT r r iro 

yl jf trtii. J lv/ 


Tribal Names occurring in our records make it clear that 
they represented a heterogeneous stock of people in Indian 
society and that ethnic or geographical factors predominated. 
The locality or country was generally known by the plural of 
the tribal name. The original name of the tribe whether 
ethnic or territorial may be hypothetical since it is difficult 
to determine exactly whether the place gave the name to 
the tribe or the tribe to the place. We find many exam- 
ples where the tribes gave their names to the places after 
they were known by some ethnic or tribal appellations. For 
example, we know that Videha obtained its name from the 
settlement of the Videgha tribe who \vere lead by their king 
Mathava when they pushed forward to the east from the 
Sara svati 1 and that Pancala denoted the country or kingdom 
which the Ksatriya tribe Pancala occupied. 2 With a definite 
territory of their own, they lost their tribal character and' 
assumed the functions of the ruler. The names of the janapadas 1 
thus given continued even if the tribe migrated somewhere' 
else; rather it gave the names to the janapadas wherever it 
settled. Thus we know the divisions of the Malavas, Yaudhe- 
yas, the Kurus and the Madras. 

These tribes went through various vicissitudes due to 
the growth of big imperial states viz. of the Mauryas and 
the Guptas, and foreigns invasions from the north-west. They 
had replaced old Vedic tribes in many places and flourished 
during the period from 6th century B.C. to A.D. 4th-5th 
century. Though Altekar 3 has pointed out that they flourished 
only in north-western and north-eastern zone and conspic- 
uously absented themselves in the south, we find the evi- 
dence of self-governing people, though scanty, in South 
India as well. The Rock Edict XIII refers to some territories 


in the south which are mentioned as a people and not as 
kingdoms. 4 Not only that the Satiyaputras and the Kerala- 
putras are also mentioned in the Second Rock Edict of Asoka. 5 

We find some tribes known probably after proper names 
viz., the Yaudheyas and Arjunayanas as well as the proper 
names used after the tribes. 6 We also know of Madra as a 
personal name in our records. K.P. Jayaswal has pointed out 
that the sudra republic is evidently the same whom Alexander 
met in lower Sind and whom 'we have identified with the 
brahminical Saudras or Saudrayanas of the Ganapatha'. On 
grammar it is based on the proper name (of a man) Sudra, 
not the caste-name. 7 

The tribes did not live in isolation and interacted with 
society. The bond that held so heterogeneous a society together, 
made it a society rather than a set of tribes, was not so much 
common ritual and common language but as a whole it was an 
aggregate of common needs satisfied by reciprocal exchange. 

The indigenous tribes based on caste and family founded 
the republican kingdoms. They worked singularly or formed 
confederations to save themselves from foreign aggressions. 
The republics had emerged from the Vedic tribes and retained 
much more tribal tradition than did the monarchies. In the 
transition from tribe to republic they lost the essential demo- 
cratic pattern of the tribe but retained the idea of government 
through an assembly representing the tribe. 8 Tribal organiza- 
tion was based on a smaller geographical area and permitted 
the functioning of a popular government more effectively. 9 

The words Sarhgha andGana have been synonymously used 
for these republics. Panini makes frequent use of the word 
Sarhgha in his Astadhyayl. It seems later the word Sarhgha 
became representative of the Buddhist order and hence the use 
of the term was dropped for a republic and only the word 
'Gana' was retained for the purpose. 10 

The Ayudhajlvin republics of Panini had become Varta- 
sastropajlvins by the time of Kautilya, probably they had 
taken to agriculture and industry side by side with their 
common profession of military art. They are enumerated by 
Kautilya as the Kambojas, the Surastras, the Ksatriyas, the 
Srenis, and 'others'. 11 The other class of republics bore the 


title Rajanor king, are as follows : The Licchavikas, the Vrjikas, 
the Mallakas, the Madrakas, the Kukuras, the Kurus, the 
Pancalas, and 'others'. 12 Basham opines that the Arthasastra 
refers ironically to the martial arrogance and practical ineptitude 
of the republics when it mentions the members of the seven 
named tribes "making a living by the title of ra/a". 13 

We do not agree with Basham since we know from a 
passage in the later Vedic literature that the Uttarakurus and 
the Uttaramadras were kingless (vairajya) states, where 
people, the heads of founder families, were consecrated 
for the rulership. 14 Kautilya has also placed the Madrakas 
and the Kurus along with the Licchavis. We can compare them 
with the Licchavis whose 7,707 members, probably the 
descendants of the founder members of the privileged aristo- 
cracy, who were all entitled to the honorific title raja. 15 At a 
certain time while dealing with the history of republican tribes 
in India some extravagant claims were made by some scholars 
like K.P. Jayaswal who wrote under nationalistic predilections 
to prove that not only a constitutional form of Government, 
but the entire parliamentary system, including Address to the 
Throne and Voting of grants, was prevalent in India and that 
responsible Government, with all that it implies in the West, 
existed in ancient India with its full paraphernalia. 16 

It may be mentioned that these republics were not demo- 
cracies in the modern sense of the term where franchise is 
vested in as large a number of citizens as possible. We find 
that some of them had mixed constitutions, while others were 
transforming themselves to monarchy. Some of them may even 
be termed as oligarchies. We can call them Ksatriya aristo- 
cracies where the power was vested in the hands of consecrated 
Ksatriyas (Murdhabhisikta). 

Panini 17 distinguishes between the Malavas or Ksudrakas 
and the Malavyas and Ksudrakyas respectively. The former 
denoted the Ksatriya and brahmana aristocracy while the 
latter the common folk. Similarly the AmarakoSa distinguishes 
between the Rajanayaka gana and the rajaka-gana. In the 
former the power was vested in the descendants of the original 
founder families enjoying the title of the raja', whereas in the 
case of latter it was vested in all the Ksatriya families whether 


descended from the original founders or not. 18 

But the Gana indicated a certain type of state, sharply 
distinguished from monarchy, is proved by a reference from 
the Avadanas*ataka where it is narrated that when some mer- 
chants from MadhyadeSa, travelling in the Deccan, were asked 
by a local ruler as to who the kings were in their respective 
homelands, they replied, 'Sir, in the countries of some of us 
there are kings but in those of others, there is gana or republican 
government'. 19 That gana had a definite constitutional 
meaning is also supported by the evidence from the Jain 
literature, the coin-legends of the Yaudheyas, Malavas and 
Arjunayanas as well as by the writings of the contemporary 
Greek writers. 20 

It may be admitted that the ancient Indian republics were 
regular states and not mere territories marked for different tribes* 
They had crossed the tribal stage and had adopted the monar- 
chical system or were transforming themselves to republicanism 
or had mixed constitutions. They were small territorial units. 
They issued their own coins and the coin-legends in Sanskrit. 
It proves beyond doubt that they got Aryanized. They had weak 
economy and followed their copper or silver coinage rather 
than the gold currency system which had its start with Kaniska 
in Northern India. In the time" of distress or as a friendly 
gesture, they worked as auxiliary armies to the kings. Though 
at times tributary to the great kingdoms, they exercised 
internal autonomy. 

Even when they migrated to other lands, it is not necessary 
that the whole population .migrated, a majority of them might 
have succumbed to the onslaughts of the invader or got merged 
with the dominant tribe. 


After having said a word about the Gana state which some 
of the following tribes represented, we shall now make a 
discussion on the names of the tribes occurring in our records : 

1. Abhlra (^o. 1, L. 22) : 

They were one of the tribes subdued by Samudragupta. 
Abhlras lived to the north of the Rajaputana desert. We may 
also think of Abiravan between Herat and Kandahar which 
may have been the original home of the Abhlras. In the 3rd 
century A.D. there was an Abhlra kingdom in the north- 
western Deccan. 21 D.C. Sircar 22 describes Abhlra in singular as 
a member of the Cowherd Community. The tribe can still be 
traced in the present Ahlras, 23 who in tribal groups, abound 
largely in the Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Nepal and some portions 
of Rajasthan. They are a band of simple, sturdy people, 
mostly cowherds and agriculturists. 24 This tribe 25 is thought to 
have played a big part in the propagation of the worship of 
Krsna Govinda 26 in his pastoral aspect. 

The Mahabharata 27 places the Abhlras in West Rajasthan 
'where the Sarasvati disappears'. 

In the first and second centuries A.D. they are located in 
the country between the lower Sindhu valley and Kathiawar, 
as is indicated in the 'Periplus' and in the Geography of 
Ptolemy. 28 The Periplus calls their country Abiria. Abhira 
generals served in the armies of aka Ksatraps of Western 
India in the second century A.D. as is known from their 
inscriptions. 29 They are also mentioned in the Mahabhasya 
of Patanjali 30 in association with the Sudras, the Sodrai of 
Alexander's time, who lived in northern Sind. Throughout 
the third century A.D. the Abhlras exercised ruling power in 
northern Konkan and Maharashtra. 31 Vatsyayana 32 refers to 
the Harem of the Abhlra kings. The Markandeya Purana 33 


and the Vayu Purana 34 refer to them as'Daksinapatha-vasinah' 
or dwelling in the Southern Country. The Brhat-sarhhita 35 
mentions them as being under the jurisdiction of Sani 

TheJodhpur Inscription of Sarhvat 918, records that the 
Abhira people of this area were a terror to their neighbours, 
because of their violent demeanour. 36 The Abhira robbers are 
also mentioned in the Skanda Purana. 37 Epigraphic evidence 
indicates the existence of an Abhira kingdom in the 14th 
Century in Khandesh. 38 

In the Sahitya Darpana of Visvanatha, 39 it is stated that 
Abhiri is the language of the AbhTras and Candall of the 
Candalas. Those who do woodwork can speak Abhiri or Sabarlj 
either of the two. Dandin asserts that the speeches of the 
AbhTras, etc., are termed as Apabhramsa in the Kavya 40 on 
the basis of which probably Keith writes : "the Prakrit lyrics 
passed into Apabhramsa as a result of the activities of the 
Abhiras and the Gurjaras. 41 We know from the Amarakosa 42 
that 'Abhiri' was used to denote -Abhira woman or the wife of 
a cowherd'. 

The Amarakosa 43 mentions Gopa, Gopala, Gosamkhya, 
Godhuk and Ballava as the synonyms for Abhira and says that 
the village or place where Abhiras lived is named as Ghosa or 
Abhirapalll. 44 

In the Kashmirian recension of the Mahabharata we get 
the readings 'Kabhlra' and 'Kabhira' in place of Abhira. 45 
These Kashmirian forms may have resulted from an attempt 
to record an initial glottal opening in the language of the 
Abhiras. The Kasmiras probably knew the Abhiras at an early 
date. 46 

Bhattacharya 47 describes the Abhirs or Ahirs as a cowherd 
caste exceeding 8,000,000, and found almost everywhere in 
India north of the Narmada. The Abhiras are mentioned as 
foreigners in the Puranas. 48 Their kings were regarded as 
vratya and mostly sudras (black). 49 In the Mahabharata the 
Abhiras are called Mleccha. 50 According to Manu 51 they were 
the sons of a brahmana man and an ambastha woman, the 
Ambasthas being of mixed origin and known as the Anava 
ksatriyas. 52 The Brhatsarhhita 53 places the Abhiras in the 


Southern quarter of India. 

Shafer 54 considers them to be an admixture possibly of 
white Iranian blood with enough Bhil blood to give them a 
a very dark colour and concludes that they were western 
Anavas. 55 

2. Arjunayanas (No. 1, L. 22) : 
One of the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta. 

The name Arjuneya is mentioned in the Rgveda as the 
patronymic of Kautsa. 56 The tribe, associated with the name 
of Arjuna, existed in the Punjab and the North- West up to 
the advent cf Gupta power in the fourth century A.D. 57 The 
word Arjuna in the Vedic literature 58 denotes 'white* and 
'white leprcsy' and is also an epithet of Indra. But it does not 
denote a tribe or a human hero. 

The word Arjuna has an unmistakable resemblance with 
the Saka word erzuna, meaning a 'leader' or 'chief which is 
derived from arzi. Analogous to it are the Saka words aljsd, 
meaning 'silvery' and aljsata, meaning 'silver', that are akin to 
the Avestan word erezata (silver), the Sanskrit word rajata 
(silver) and the Persian word arziz (tin). 59 All these words have 
the original sense of whiteness and brightness, that are also 
connoted by the word arjuna in Sanskrit. It is highly significant 
that Arjuna, the hero of the Mahabharata, is said to have borne 
this name, because he was 'white' and 'pure' in action. 60 All 
over the Eurasian steppes the nobles were regarded as 'white' 
and the commoners were considered 'black'. Hence the word 
for white colour was employed to denote the idea of leadership. 
This is why erzuna was used in the sense of a 'leader' in Saka 
languages. 61 

Vedic and Saka both branched from the same parent Indo- 
European language. Hence many words were common to both. 
But whereas arjuna in Vedic lost its pristine sense and was 
only used as an adjective, signifying 'whiteness', in Saka it 
meant a 'tribe' and a human hero and later on this sense was 
imparted to this word in India as a result of the impact of the 
Sakas. 62 

The tribe, bearing the name of Arjuna, was also connected 
with some people of Chinese Turkestan, whose heroes, and 
kings had this designation. 63 In the Uighur redaction of the 


Hidimbavadha 64 the name of Arjuna occurs in the form of 
Arcuni. 65 According to Sylvain Levi, this episode of the Maha- 
bharata owed the privilege of entering into the Turkish world 
to the presence of the name of Arjuna in it, who was regarded 
as the eponymous founder of the dynasties of some. Central 
Asiatic oases-states. 66 

Panini 67 refers to the worshipper of Arjuna, called Arjunaka, 
together with the devotee of Vasudeva, called Vasudevaka. 
This remark implies that Arjuna was treated as a deity at the 
time of Panini and his followers occupied a prominent posi- 
tion. 68 The Kasika replaces Auddalakayana of Patanjali by 
Arjunayana, 69 the name of a tribe nearer to its own time in 
discussing the meaning of Pracya-bharata (II.4.66). 

From the accounts relating to the invasion of India by 
Alexander we learn that a tribe named Agalassoi (Arjunayana) 
fought with Alexander. 70 

The Brhat-samhita 71 places the Arjunayana in the northern 
division of India and describes them, as being in the region of 
Brhaspati. 72 

Ptolemy refers to a people in the Punjab whom he calls 
Pandoouoi=PsindsLVas with whom the Arjunayanas may be 
connected. 74 Arjunayana coins are found in the Mathura 
region and 'they may be assigned with probability to the region 
lying west of Agra and Mathura, equivalent, roughly speaking, 
to the Bharatpur and Alwar States'. 75 

3. Atavika-mja (No. 1, L.21) : 

It is stated in the inscription that Samudragupta made all the 
kings of the forest countries his servants. 76 A mention 
of the forest kingdoms has also been made in Khoh Copper 
plate inscription of Samkshobha Gupta year 209. 77 These 
18 forest kingdoms were apparently in Central India 
including Dahala or the Jabalpur region. 78 We find a refe- 
rence to the same in the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha. 79 
The Vayu and Matsya Puranas (XLV, 126 and CXIII, 48) 
read Atavyas which is no doubt the correct reading. Atavl as 
a city of the Deccan is mentioned in the Mahabharata. 80 The 
Atavyas were certainly the same as the Atavikas of the 
Allahabad Pillar Inscription and were perhaps aboriginal 
tribes dwelling in the jungle tracts of Central India. 81 We find 


a reference to the Atavikas or the forest savages in the 
Arthasastra of Kautilya and it was an Arthasastra practice 
to hire the Atavikas as scouts and army auxiliaries, 82 which 
needs must influence their future advance to civilization. 
Atavika-raja should be translated as 'forest-kings' or 'kings of 
forest countries'. We get a reference to Jangalas in the Puranic 
List of Peoples. 83 Similar terms 'vana-rdstrd 1 'forest-countries' 
and vana-rajya 'forest-kingdoms' also occur in the Brhat- 
Samhita. 84 But these countries lay in the north-east division 
of India, as mapped out by Varahamihira, and they are, at 
any rate, not the countries referred here. 85 

In the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, in one line of 
Sahadeva's digvijaya, Professor Franklin Edgerton changes 
Atavi to Antdkhi, so that the line will refer to Antioch, Rome 
and the Greeks. Antioch, Rome and Greece were intimately 
associated in history and consequently they are still associated 
in the minds of Western scholars, and hence Antdkhi made 
more sense to Edgerton in connection with Rome and the 
Greeks than Atavl. But it only represents his personal opi- 
nion. 86 

4. Daivaputra^ (No. 1, L. 23) : 

Daivaputras along with Sahis, Sahanusahis, akas and 
Murundas are mentioned to have paid homage to Samudra- 
gupta by rendering to him all kinds of service. 

The word 'Daivaputra' denotes those 'who belong to 
devaputra', i.e., Kaniska, i.e., the Kusana ruler. The title 
devaputra has frequently been used as a title by the Kusana 
kings. 88 

The common belief is that the designation devaputra 'god- 
son' was copied by the Kusanas from the ancient Chinese 
imperial title, 'T'ien-tzu', 'son of heaven'. 89 Thomas considers 
that this title used by the Kusanas must have been borrowed 
from the Hsiung-nu (a Central Asian Tribe) and not directly 
from the Chinese. 90 Narain also believes the title to have been 
borrowed by the Kusanas from Central Asia. 91 The title has 
been frequently used by the kings in the Kharosthi documents 
discovered from Chinese Turkestan. 92 As regards the origin of 
the title, the divinity of the kings has been stressed upon in 
many ancient empires. 93 The ancient Indian concept for 'Deva- 


putra' 94 meaning 'god-son' is slightly different. It was not used 
for worldly kings but specifically for a class of distinguished 
divinites, which in Indian Buddhist texts was specifically used 
for four regional 'great kings', i.e., regents of four quarters, 
East, West, North and South who were 'sons of heaven'. In 
the later Kusana times, the term seems to have denoted the 
sense of Royal insignia. 95 In a Buddhist text of this period the 
question is raised 'why kings are called devaputra' and the 
answer is that before being born as a man, he was abiding 
among the gods (devas) and that, because the thirty-three gods 
(each) contributed to his substance, therefore, he is 'god-son'. 96 

That Daivaputra denotes the Kusanas is obvious, since, no 
other Indian king is known to have been styled 'devaputra'. 
Though Indian kings were usually addressed as 'Deva', we do 
not find any evidence of an Indian king referring to himself as 
deva. The Kusanas did not adopt devaputra as an official title 
in early times. It is totally absent from their coins, its reading 
on one coin of Kujula Kara Kaphsa being an error which 
has been noticed by Thomas after re-examining the coin in 
consultation with Allan. 97 Kaniska has not used the title even 
in Peshawar Casket Inscriptions which were officially engraved. 
It is only in documents inscribed by Indians that the title 
'devaputra' is used for the Kusana kings. 98 The title is used for 
the first time for Kaniska (known as Candana Kaniska). 99 
Maharaja -rajatiraja devaputra Kusana of the Taxila Silver 
Scroll Inscription is generally taken to refer to Kaniska. 100 
As rightly observed by Thomas "the devaputrasa of the scroll 
inscription is the first known instance of the application to 
the Kusanas of the designation devaputra, which regularly, 
though not invariably, recurs with Kaniska and his succes- 
sors." 10 ! 

Thus we do not find the title Devaputra being used by 
the Kusana rulers themselves but was applied to them by the 
Indians. Why of all ruling dynasties only the Kusanas were 
designated as 'Devaputras' is really inexplicable. Thomas 
suggests two possibilities. It may be due to the fact that the 
Indians saw some similarity between the figures of the grand 
Yaksa and those of the burly Kusana kings and the superior 
title of 'Devaputra' may have appeared to be a suitable appel- 



lation. Another possibility is that they found some similarity 
between the Kusana kings and Kubera (described in India as 
regent of the north and god of wealth and known as Devaputra 
in ancient Indian concept of Devaputra which simply means 
god-son), especially in view of the lavish gold coinage of the 
Kusanas. Asvaghosa refers to the 'great king Kanika' as 
'guardian of the northern heaven'. 102 It is also likely that 
the title devaputramay have been given due to Siva-mahesvara, 
whom we have seen styled as Devaputra and who is the sole 
deity figured on the coins of Wima Kadphises. 103 These facts 
need further investigation. 

Most probably from the Epic Period, Indian concept of 
Devaputra 'god-son' is linked with kings to give them divinity 
and not as a title. 104 Asoka could claim the title only of 
'Devandm priya' 105 meaning 'the beloved of the gods'. Thus 
Devaputra or 'god-son' was a superior title given to the Kusanas 
by Indians. It is interestiagio note that the epithet Devaputravat 
has been used for Buddha in one of our inscriptions 106 

5. Huna(No. 13, L. 15) : 

They are mentioned in the Bhitari Stone PillarifaKcription 
of Skandagupta in which Skandagupta (A.D. 455467) is 
stated to have inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Hunas : "By 
whose (Skandagupta's) two arms the earth was shaken, w 
he, the creator (of a disturbance like that) of a terrible w 
pool, joined in close conflict with the Hunas....". 107 The de 
inflated upon the Hunas proved so decisive that for nea 
half a century the Gupta empire was immune from their 
depredations. 108 

Hunas, also known as Ephthalites or Hiung-nu were a 
Central Asian tribe. 

Uigur 109 transcribes the name of the tribe in ancient 
Chinese in two phonetic forms : one of which is 'xunu or xunu', 
the other 'xunux, xunuo,xunu\ The first part (xun) of the last 
form is not in doubt and neither is the u of the last part, the 
only question is about the change of the initial / of ancient 
Chinese into y in Uigur before u and in Sandhi, and about 
the pronunciation of the final consonant. 110 

The first of the above Chinese forms which comes as close 
to the Hunu as to the Sanskrit Huna is very similar to the 


Chinese "transcription" Xunu or Xunu, and Avesta Hunu, 
except the Sanskrit has substituted for the final root vowel V 
the stem final a characteristic of the names of peoples in that 
language. "The Puranas have a form Urna which together with 
Epic Skr. Huna suggests Indie Hurna Turk, Xurnu". 111 

We may note here the Tibetan Hor, which corresponds 
with the first syllable of the reconstructed form Hur-na. The 
difference of vowels may indicate a back dipthong or back 
vowel between o and u, as Ptolemy's Xounoi suggests, since 
the Greeks wrote u (y) for Indie w. 112 

Though all the above forms go back to one primitive form, 
we cannot say the same for the people to whom they were 
applied. The general opinion is that the Hsiung-nus, Huns, 
Hunas etc., were Turks. Some scholars consider them to have 
been a mixture of many tribes, Iranians, Mongols, and Paleosi- 
birians (ancestors of the Yenissei-ostyaks). Whatever may have 
been the dominant race or speech was, it can be seen that 
there must have been several subject people and subject armies 
in such far-flung empires, necessitating some mixture and 
mutual influence ethnic, linguistic and cultural. 113 Otto 
Maenchen-Helfen has discussed the whole question on the 
is of the evidence of language, history, ethnology, 
archaeology 114 and has pointed out that the greater part 
the Hsiung-nu vocabulary pointed to Mongol 115 Later 
iot considered the same vocabulary and established that the 
iung-nu and Huns were Turks. 116 

Louis Bazin 117 and Von Gabain 118 also reached the conclu- 
that in language of the Hsiung-nu there was a high percent- 
fe of Turkish words. U 9 

In the second century B.C. the Hiung-nu (Huns) started a 
movement near the Chinese frontier and succeeded in destroying 
the Greco-Bactrian empire, in strongly menacing the existence 
of the house of Arsakes, and in landing crowds of Central 
Asian invaders within the borders of India. In the latter half 
of the fourth century A.D., a branch of them, the White Huns, 
or Ephthalites, flooded the South of Asia; and 'about the time 
when the last legions of Rome shattered on the plains of 
Chalons, the motley hordes of Attila, the White Huns had 
begun to tread Sassanian Persia under the hoofs of their 


horses, and were soon to smash the Indian empire of the 
Guptas into pieces'. 120 

In A.D. 484 the Hunas killed the Sassanian ruler of Persia. 
Towards the close of the fifth century A.D. they ruled over a 
vast empire with their principal capital at Balkh. 121 We know 
of a Huna-desa placed to the South of the Kama-giri and to 
the North of Maru-desa, i.e., the desert called the land of 
heroes. The Harsacarita places the Huna country in the Punjab 
region practically suggesting the same area. 122 

In the middle of the sixth century A.D., the Sassanian king 
of Persia made an alliance with Western Turks against the 
Hunas and smashed their rule from the Oxus by killing their 
king sometime between A.D. 563 and 567. 123 

We know of Toramana from his Eran Boar Inscription 124 
and of Mihirakula from his Gwalior Inscription. 125 These 
two are generally taken to have been Huna chiefs. There is 
another inscription found at Kura (Salt range in the Punjab) 
refering to Rajadhiraja Maharaja Toramana-Sahi-Jau (bla), 
whom some scholars identify with king Toramana mentioned 
in the Eran Inscription, 126 but others regard the two as quite 
different. 127 Here it must be pointed out, none of these inscrip- 
tions describes any of these kings as Hunas nor contains any 
reference to the Hunas. 

We find an interesting account of Toramana in the Jain 
work, Kuvalayamala, composed to 700 Saka (A.D.778). 128 Here 
Toramana is stated to have lived on the bank of the Candrab- 
haga (Chenab river). His guru Hari-gupta, who himself was a 
scion of the Gupta family, also lived there. 129 

Both Toramana and Mihirakula are referred to in the Raja- 
tarangini, but there is no mention of their being the Hunas. 

It is doubtful whether Toramana and Mihirakula were Hunas 
or Kusanas. Sir Aurel Stein, Jayaswal 130 and Fleet 131 held that 
Toramana was a Kusana. But Sten Konow 132 holds that Tora- 
mana was, in all probability, a Huna, as is generally assumed, 
and not a Kusana. It is not unlikely that the Hunas and the 
Kusanas were ethnically allied and were later merged into a 
new nation, which came to be known as Huna in India. 133 

There are several stray references to the Hunas in Indian 
literature. D.C. Sircar 134 opines that the Indian names Huna, 


Harahuna or Harahiira, supposed to be associated with the 
Chinese name Hiung-nu and 'the White Hun' of the European 
writers, are mentioned in a few late passages of the Mahabharata 
and in the geographical sections of the early Puranas, can be 
roughly assigned to the 4th century A.D. A sutra-vrtti in the 
Candra Vyakarana has the sentence l ajayad-gupta (or Japto or 
Jarto) HiinarC as an illustration of the use of the imperfect to 
express an event which occurred within the life-time of the 
author. 135 

In the Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman 136 a reference 
is made to the chiefs of the Hunas, but they are not named. 
The inscription simply says that Yasodharman possessed coun- 
tries which not even the Guptas and the chiefs of the Hunas 
could subdue. 137 

The inscription also refers to Mihirakula "who had earlier 
bowed only to the god Sthanu (Siva) and whose forehead was 
pained through being bent low down by the strength of the arm 
of Yasodharman in the act of compelling obeisance". 138 

With the fall of Yasodharman, which probably took place 
not long after, Mihirakula again came to the forefront. In the 
early part of the sixth century A.D. akala become his capital. 139 
The Gupta king who then occupied the imperial throne was 
probably Narasirhha-Gupta Baladitya. He was temporarily over- 
whelmed by the victorious raids of Yasodharman, and Mihirak- 
ula evidently took advantage of this imperial crisis to extend 
his power. Narasirhhagupta, according to Hiuen Tsang, was 
forced to the humiliating position of paying tribute to Mihira- 
kula but finally triumphed over his rival. 140 

The defeat of Mihirakula appears to have finally crushed 
the political supremacy of the Hunas in India who ceased to 
be even a disturbing element in Indian History. 141 The Puranas 
place the Hunas in the extreme west, with the Sauvlras, 
Saindhavas, Sakalas and Madras. 142 

In the Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa mentions Raghu defeating 
the Hunas on the banks of the Vanksu ortheOxus 143 ,the (pale) 
faces of whose wives spoke of the bravery of their husbands 
(who died in the battle). 144 

Varahamihira 145 mentions them under the jurisdiction of 
Ketu and places them in the North. 146 Dr. Upendra Thakur 147 


remarks that about the sixth century A.D., the Hunas almost 
lost their original name ofHiong-nou or Huns. Later the powerful 
Turks give its name to the entire Huna nation by which they 
were further known in the neighbouring nations. Afterwards 
they were submerged in the Mongols under the influence of the 
powerful Mongol Chief Chengiz Khan. Thus, the Hiong-nou or 
Huns received different names in different periods beginning 
with their origin to their advancement in other countries. In 
spite of the copious references to the Ephthalites in the accounts 
of the different countries, it is very difficult to determine their 
exact origin and ethnic affinities. 

We can partly agree with Dr. Thakur as regards their 
merger in the area later dominated by the Turks and Mongols 
but the Hunas find their mention in the Harsa-Carita of Bana 
(a seventh century work) and they remained a potent force in 
the social and political life of the Punjab-Rajasthan-Malwa- 
Gujarat region during the early medieval period as evidenced 
by a large number of epigraphical and literary records, and 
also proved themselves as a source of danger to the Pala kings 
of Bengal 148 

6. Kakas (No. 1, L, 22): 

One of the tribes who paid homage to Samudragupta. The 
Kakas are mentioned in the Mahabharata 149 and are asso- 
ciated with the Vidarbhas, a well-known people occupying tracts 
of territory in modern Madhya Pradesh. 150 V.A. Smith con- 
nects them with Kakanada near Sand; 151 while the Bombay 
Gazetteer identifies them with Kakupur near Bithur. 152 They 
may have been neighbours of the Sanakanlkas. 153 

7. Kharaparikas (No. 1, L. 22) : 

One of the tribes who were subjugated by Samudragupta. 

D. R. Bhandarkar 154 takes them to be the Kharparas 
mentioned in the Batihagadh Inscription 155 of the Damoh 
district of M.P. Kharpara 156 means a thief, a rogue or a cheat. 
The name Kharaparika does not occur elsewhere in inscrip- 
tions or literature. The Markandeya Purana 157 mentions 
a tribe called Khara-sagara-rasis, 158 along with the Gand- 
haras and the Yaudheyas; and the Matsya Purana 159 refers 
to a country named Kharapatha, watered by the river Nalinl. 
It is difficult to say whether Khara-sagara-rasI and Kharapatha 


had anything to do with the Kharaparikas. 160 K.P. Jayaswal 
expresses the probability of the identification of the Kharapa- 
rikas with the five Karpatas of the Mahabharata. 161 

8. Kotas (No. 1,L. 14): 

The Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta mentions 
Samudragupta's capturing a king born in the family of the 
Kotas. 162 Mookerji equates the Kota-kulaja of the inscription 
with king Kalyanavarman of the play 'Kaumudl-Mahotsava'. 163 
But it is now generally believed 164 that 'the episode of the 
Kaumudl-Mahotsava has no bearing whatsoever on the early 
Gupta History'. 

The coins of the Kotas bearing their name have been found 
in East Punjab, and Delhi, and 'they probably ruled in the 
Upper Gangetic valley'. 165 Scholars differ in their views 
about placing the Kotas; some identify it with Kanyakubja 
while others with Pataliputra. 166 

It is known that Puspapura or Kusumapura was the name of 
both the Pataliputra and Kanyakubja. 167 It must, however, be 
noted that the city of Puspa here is connected mainly with 
Samudragupta and not with the Kota-kulaja, 168 so the location 
of the city of the Kotas is not to be traced in Kusumapura or 
Puspapura. It is well known that Candragupta I received 
Magadha through his Licchavi-alliance and it is possible that 
Samudragupta enjoyed his youth playfully at Pataliputra 
(Puspa-ahvaye krldata). So Goyal's assumption that 'Harisena 
has referred to Kanyakubja and not Pataliputra' 169 is incorrect. 
It is only later that Kanyakubja gains the honour of being 
called Kusumapura when the glory of Pataliputra had started 
declining. 170 

In view of the context of the victory over Kota-kulaja 
along with the Naga kings Acyuta and Nagasena and with the 
support of numismatic evidence it may be said that the kotas 
lived somewhere between East Punjab and Delhi. 

9. Kurus (No.22, L.7) : 

The Kurus were divided into two branches, the Northern and 
the Southern. 171 We have here a reference to the Uttarakurus. 172 

The Kurus were one of the most ancient and prominent of 
the Indo-Aryan ksatriya tribes. 173 In the earliest literature the 
Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But 


mention is made of a prince, Kurusravana (Glory of the 
Kurus) 174 and of a Pakasthaman Kauravyayana. 175 The Athar- 
vaveda 176 refers to Pariksita as a king of the Kurus and his 
son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the Datapath a Brahmana 177 
as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice. 

Oldenberg 1?8 seems to be right in suggesting that the 
Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes 
referred to by other names in the Rgveda. Kurusravana, 
shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the 
Rgveda called Trasadasyava, 'descendant of Trasadasyu,' 
who is well known as a king of the Purus. Moreover, it is 
likely that the Trtsu-Bharatas, who appear in the Rgveda as 
enemies of the Purus, later coalesced with them to form the 
Kuru people. 179 Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas 
occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. 
Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rgveda 180 as 
having kindled fire on the DrsadvatI, the Apaya, and the 
Sarasvati that is to say, in the sacred places of the later 
Kurukshetra. 181 

In the Brahmana literature, the Kurus are often con- 
nected with Pancalas. 182 

The territory of the Kuru-Pancalas is declared in the 
Aitareya Brahmana to be the middle country (Madhyadesa). 183 
A group of the Kuru people still remained further north the 
Uttara Kurus beyond the Himalayas. 184 It appears from a 
passage of the Satapatha Brahmana that the speech of the 
Northerners-that is, presumably the Northern Kurus-and of the 
Kuru Pancalas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. 185 
There seems little doubt that the Brahmanical Culture was 
developed in the country of the Kuru-Pancalas, and that it 
spread thence east, south and west. 186 

The Uttara Kurus, who play a mythical part in the Epic 
and later literature, are still a historical people in the Aitareya 
Brahmana, 187 where they are located beyond the Himalayas 
(parena Himavantam). In another passege, 188 however, the 
country of the Uttara Kurus is stated by Vasistha Sathavya 
to be a land of the gods (deva-ksetra), but Janmtapi 
Atyarati was anxious to conquer it, so that it is still not wholly 
mythical. It is reasonable to accept Zimmer's view that the 


northern Kurus were settled in Kashmir, especially as Kuruk- 
shetra is the region where tribes advancing from Kashmir 
might naturally be found. 189 In Buddhist literature, Uttara- 
Kuril is very often mentioned as a mythic region, but there are 
some passages which go to show that there was a faint memory 
of a country that once had a historical existence. 190 

Some time before the fourth century B.C., the monarchical 
constitution of the Kurus gave place to a republic, for we are 
told by Kautilya 191 that the Kurus were l rdja-sahdopijlvinah\ 
or 'enjoying the status of rajan' i.e. all citizens had equal rank 
and rights. 192 

Shafer 193 shows that only the upper castes of the Kauravas 
were Aryan, the bulk of the population were probably non- 
Aryan as is clear from the fact that whereas the Kauravas 
rallied the support mostly of the non- Aryans, the Pandavas 
had the support of Aryans and concludes that the Northern 
Kurus were Mundic. 194 

10. Licchavis (No. 1, L.29; No. 4, L.7; No. 10,L.4;No. 12, 
L. 18; No. 13, L.3: No. 21, L.5; No. 40, L.4; No. 47, 
L 2; No. 49, L.2; No. 50, L.2; No. 53, L.2) : 
The epithet 'Licchavi-dauhitra' (daughter's son of the Licchavi) 
for Samudragupta occurs in all these Gupta records It 
suggests the importance of Candragupta Fs marriage with the 
Licchavi princess KumaradevT. The alliance had no social 
importance but it was important for political gain by virtue 
of which Candragupta I (Samudragupta's father) gained power- 
ful position in Magadha and the neighbouring countries. In 
the Candragupta-KumaradevI-coins, we have no mention of 
the Guptas but only of the Licchavis in plural ' LicchavayaV 
(the Licchavis). This supports the amalgamation of the 
Guptas with the Licchavis and we may agree with Majumdar 
that 'the epithet Licchavi-dauhitra was deliberately given to 
Samudragupta to emphasize his right of succession to the dual 
monarchy'. 195 

We also know of a house of the Licchavis at Nepal 196 but 
the separate reference to Nepal as a tributary province in the 
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta 197 proves that it 
was different from the Licchavi kingdom which Samudragupta 
had inherited from his mother. The Licchavi kingdom of 


KumaradevI may be located in North Bihar with VaisalT 
(modern Basarh in MuzafTarpur district) as its centre. 198 It was 
a credit for the astute diplomacy of Candragupta to marry the 
Licchavi princess as we know, in ancient times, the Licchavis of 
Vaisall had been the rivals of the kings of Pataliputra 199 and 
that they did not marry outside their area. 200 

The name of this powerful people has come to us in many 
different readings : 

Licchavi, Lecchavi, Lecchai, Lecchaki, Licchvi, Nicchivi, 

Lichikki and Lichavi. 

Of these the Licchavi has been most commonly used in 
literature. 201 

The earliest mention of this people is in Kautilya's Artha- 
Sastra, 202 where they are called Licchavis. Here we read that 
the corporations of Licchivi, Vrji, Malla, Madra, Kakura, 
Kuru, Pancala and others were 'rajasabdopajivinah' . It is note- 
worthy that Kautilya distinguishes the Licchavis from the Vrjis 
though some scholars consider them to be one. 203 H.Pandey 204 
says that it appears from the Pali suttas that the names Vajji 
and Licchavi are interchangeable to some extent. But the 
accounts of Chinese pilgrims point to a different conclusion. 
Fa-Hien describes the kingdom of Vaisall where 'Licchavis' 
were the people of the country. He does not mention Vrji or 
Vajji. Hiuen Tsang describes Vaisall and Vrji as two distinct 
countries, and Walters is inclined to doubt the accuracy of his 
description of the Vrji country. 205 But we know that Vajji was 
a powerful confederacy of which the Videhas along with the 
Licchavis, Jnatrikas, Ugras, Bhojas and others were the cons- 
tituent confederate clans (atthakula). Of these the Licchavis and 
the Videhas were the most important, and the Licchavi Capital 
VaisalT was the head-quarter of the confederacy. 206 But Ray 
Chaudhuri observes : "Vajji was not only the name of the 
confederacy but also of one of the constituent clans. But the 
Vajjis like the Licchavis are sometimes associated with the 
city of Vaisall which was not only the capital of the Licchavi 
clan, but also the metropolis of the entire confederacy". 207 The 
Licchavi republic was generally called the sarhgha or gana of 
the Vajjis. The Licchavis would not possibly have allowed this 
name, had they not themselves been Vajjians. Jn one passage, 


the Licchavi Mahanama, seeing that a band of young Licchavis 
who had been out hunting were gathered round the Buddha, is 
represented as saying, "They (i.e. the Licchavis) will become 
Vajjians, they will become Vajjians (bhavissanti Vajji bhavis- 
santi Vajji)" ! This possibly only means that there was great 
hope of these Licchavi young men becoming true Vajjians, 
practising the seven conditions of welfare taught by the 
Buddha, conditions which endured their prosperity, and lead- 
ing a more cultured life. Thus the Vajji appears to be a more 
dignified term. It might have originally been given to the tribe 
which inhabited what is known as Vajjirattha (Vrji-r astro), i.e., 
the Vajjian country, in Buddhist literature. Later a separation 
seems to have taken place among the Vajjis and Licchavis, 
because the Arthasastra (XI. I) mentions the Licchavika and 
the Vrjika as two distinct republics. 208 

The clan of the Licchavis figures very prominently in the 
annals of early Buddhism. Buddhaghcsa, the celebrated Pali 
commentator has the following story 209 : The chief queen of 
the king of Benaras, at the time of her child-birth delivered 
lump of flesh, 'of the colour of lac and of bandhu and Jlvaka 
flowers'. Fearing the displeasure of the king if he should hear 
of this, the other queens put the lump of flesh into a casket 
marked with royal seal and placed it on the flowing waters of 
the Ganges. The casket was discovered by an ascetic, and 
taken by him to his hermitage, where he cared for the lump of 
flesh. After the lapse of some time, tha lump broke up into 
two pieces of flesh, which gradually assumed shape, till finally 
one of them became a boy resplendent like gold, and the other a 
girl. Whatever entered the stomach of these two infants looked 
a s if put into a vessel of precious transparent stone (mani) 
so that they seemed to have no skin (Nicchavi). Others said : 'the 
two were attached to each other by their skin (lina-chavi) as if 
they had been sewn together'; so that these infants came to be 
designated 'Licchavis'. We are further told that on coming of 
age the boy and the girl were married to each other and from 
this brother and sister union sprang the race of the Licchavis 21 

The origin of the Licchavis has been a matter of great 
controversy. They have been represented as Scythians, Kolari- 
ans, Tibetans and Persians by different authorities. 211 


Samuel Beal 212 takes the Licchavis or Vajjis to be a 
branch of the 'Yue-Chi' forgetting that the latter came to India 
in the first century B.C. while the Licchavis were a highly 
civilized and prosperous people in the sixth century B.C. 

In the opinion of J.P. Hewitt, there are "very strong 
indications that the Vajjians, who were certainly the earliest 
settlers in the country, were of Kolarian race who had lived 
there long before the arrival of the Dravidians and Aryans". 
The learned writer ignores the existence of the pre-Vajjian 
Aryan dynasty of rulers at Vaisall. 213 

V.A. Smith 214 found similarities between the customs of 
the Tibetans and those of the Licchavis in the practice of the 
exposure of the dead and also in judicial procedure. And 
hence he came to the conclusion that the Licchavis, the 
ruling tribe or clan in Vrji country of which Vaisall was the 
capital, was really a Tibetan (or Mongolian) tribe which settled 
in the plains during the prehistoric times. The view has been 
criticised by B.C Law, K.P Jayaswal, H.C. Raychaudhuri 
and others on the following grounds 215 : 

(1) The custom of the disposal of the dead was prevalent 
among the Vedic Aryans from whom the Licchavis 
were descended ; 

(2) In the case of Tibet we have only three courts as 
against the seven tribunals of the Licchavis ; further 
we know very little about the relative antiquity of the 
Tibetan procedure which might very well have been 
suggested by the system expounded in the Atthakatha. 

S.C. Vidyabhusana 216 suggests a Persian origin for the 
Licchavis holding that the name Licchavi (Nicchavi of Manu, 
X.22) was derived from the Persian city of Nisibis. There 
is very littte in Vidyabhusana's surmise except a fancied 
resemblance between the names Nicchivi and Nisibis. Inscrip- 
tions of the Achaemenids are silent about any Persian settle- 
ment in the Eastern India in the sixth or fifth century B.C. The 
Licchavi people were more interested in Yaksa caityas and the 
teaching of Mahavlra and the Buddha than in the deities and 
Prophets of Iran. 217 

The Licchavis have been invariably represented as ksatriyas 
in ancient Indian literature. As the Mahaparinibbana-Sutta 


informs us, they claimed a share of the icmnants of the 
Buddha's body on the ground that they were ksatriyas like the 
Buddha himself : "The Exalted one was a ksatriya and so are 
we. We are worthy to receive a portion of relics of the Exalted 
one". We get many other similar instances. 218 We find that 
both the Sakyas (to whose race the Buddha belonged) and the 
Licchavis are described as progenies of brother and sister 
unions. Like the Sakyas, the Licchavis are also described as 
ksatriyas. 219 Manu speaks of the Licchavis as ksatriyas, though 
of the Vratya variety. 220 Regarding the Vratyas, Manu says : 
*Those (sons) whom the twice-born have by the wives of equal 
caste, but who, not fulfilling their scared duties, are excluded 
from the initiation to Sdvitn, one must designate by the appel- 
lation vratyas'. 221 

We know that Mahavlra, the founder of Jainism, was the 
very kin of the Licchavis and that he had many followers 
among the residents of VaiSall, even among the highest officers. 
Then again, between the sixth century B.C. and 200 B.C., the 
earliest estimated date of the Manusmrti, 222 the Licchavis had 
won the good graces of the Buddha as well as of the followers 
of the religion he preached. During this long interval, when the 
two great 'heretic' faiths flourished in their country, the 
Licchavis might not have been particular to the ceremonies and 
practices that the regulations of the orthodox brahmanas 
required. 'Hence we can understand how Manu, the great 
brahmana law-giver came to refer to the Licchavis as 
Vratyas'. 223 But Gokhale 224 takes the term ksatriya in this 
context to mean representative of political power rather than 
a specific caste in the brahminical hierarchy and from the word 
Vratya infers that they were outside the pale of the brahminical 

Scholars have divergent views about the connotation of the 
word 'Vratya'. 225 Charpentier described the Vratyas, as a band 
of people not governed by the rules of caste, probably repre- 
senting the worst elements of Indian society, the thief, the 
robber, the drunken one, etc. But Keith rejected this view by 
pointing out that Manu's reference to the Rajanya Vratyas, 
e.g. Licchavis and Mallas (X.22) has no value for Vedic 
times. 226 Haver in his article 'Der Vratya' derives 'Vratya' 


from 'vrata\ Thus the oldest meaning of 'Vrata' is a group of 
people bound by holy ceremonies, bound by a vow to cult- 
actions being derived from 'vrata 1 which is a vow taken in the 
service of a god. The Vratinas, on the other hand, 'were 
Aryans of a more primitive culture and religion, than the 
orthodox brahmanas, and were organised in cult- unions and 
both 'vratya 9 and 'vratina' being derived from 'vrata' are 
"'members of the same holy union'. The only difference between 
them apparently was that the Vratlna went to the brahmana 
countries to perform the Vratya-work and were paid for it, 
while the Vratyas acted in their own homeland. 227 

From all these considerations, we can see that the views of 
Manu and the suggestion of B.C. Law are more tenable. In 
the Nepala VamsavalT ; the LicchavJs are allotted to the SQrya- 
varhsa or solar race of the ksatriyas. 228 This is quite in agree- 
ment with the fact elicited from the Buddhist records that they 
were Vasisthas by Gotra, for we know from the Aitareya 
Brahmana 229 that the gotra or pravara (family) of a ksatriya is 
the same as that of his purohita or family-priest. The Vasistha 
gotra was, therefore, the gotra of their family priest, and we 
know that the Vasisthas were the family priests of the kings of 
the solar race, especially of the Iksvakus. 230 

11. Madrakas (No. I, L. 22): 

One of the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta. We also know 
of Madra as a personal name in No. 15, L. 8. 

Madras claimed descent from an eponymous king Madraka, 
son of Sibi Auslnara, and were septs of the family of Sivi 
like the Kaikeyas. 231 

According to Dr. Buddha Prakash 'Bhadra' was another 
Variant of Madra. 232 But this view is not acceptable to us. 
The Mahabharata 233 mentions the Bhadras, but only in the 
Bombay recension; the Calcutta recension has Madra. 234 We 
know that Bhadra and Madra had independent existence, as 
found in the legend of Bhadra Kakslvatl, bride of Vyusi- 
tasva. 235 The queen had seven children, three Salvas and 
four Madras. 236 

The Candravrtti on Candra 237 informs us that Udumbara, 
Tilakhala, Madrakara, Yugandhara, Bhulinga and Saradanda, 
are the divisions of Salva (or Salva). The word Salva literally 


means an animal like stag or gazelle which bespeaks of 
Scythian origin. 238 Buddha Prakash connects it with the 
modern sub-caste Saluja (Skt. Salvaja). Anyhow, we know that 
Madras were a branch of Salvas who were sons of Bhadra. 
J. Przyluski 239 considers the Madras to have been a section of 
the Bhadras on the ground that the former had among their 
ancestress a queen named Bhadra. Both the Bhadras and the 
Madrakas are mentioned separately in the Brhatsamhita, 240 the 
Bhadras with the alvas in the Madhyadesa (Middle land) 
and the Madrakas with the Malavas in the northern quarter. 
Nakula and Sahadeva were the sons of Pandu by his 
wife Madrl. The name of their mother Madrl suggests their 
connection with the clan of the Madras. 241 Since Balhiki 
(Bahliica stands for the Bactrians) was the title of Madrl, 
Madras were of Irano-Bactrian origin; the Madras may rep- 
resent the Iranian tribe, Mada or Mede. 242 

The Madras were an ancient ksatriya tribe. 243 We do not 
find their mention in the early Vedic Samhuas but the Vamsa 
Brahmana (of the Samaveda) tells us of a Vedic teacher named 
Madra-gara Saungayani ('descendant of Sunga') whose pupil 
was Kamboja Aupamanyava. 244 Zimmer 245 concludes, with pro- 
bability, that these names point to a connexion of the Kambojas 
and the Madras. We know from the Satapatha Brahmana 246 
that the Madra country was the chief centre of Vedic learning. 
We know of a Kapya Patancala amongst the Madras who 
was a famous teacher of Vedic lore. 247 

The Uttara Madras, the 'northern Madras' are referred 
to in the Aitareya Brahmana 248 as living beyond the Himalaya 
(parena himavantam) in the neighbourhood of the Uttara 
Kurus, probably, as Zimmer 249 conjectures, in the land of 
Kashmira. The Madras mentioned in the Upanisads were, like 
the Kurus, probably settled somewhere in Kurukshetra in the 
Madhyadesa or 'Middle Land'. 2 * 

Panini 251 mentions two divisions of the Madras, Purva 
(eastern) and Apara (Western). In the Brhatsamhita they are 
mentioned twice; firstly as Madra situated in West in Vayavya 
Kona, 252 and secondly as Madraka with Malava in the 
North. 2 * 3 

In the Ramayana, we read that Sugrlva sent monkeys to 



the Madrakas and other tribes in quest of Sita. 254 The Madra 
tribe or kingdom 255 is mentioned in the Bhlsmaparvan of the 
Mahabharata (chap.IX) and in Panini's grammar (II, 3, 73; 
IV, 4, 67). The Madras held the Central portions of the 
Punjab; 256 they appear in the Epic period to have occupied 
the district of Sialkot, between the rivers Chenab and Ravi, 257 
or according to some between the Jhelum and the Ravi. 258 
S.B. Chaudhuri 259 says that the Madras held the portion in 
the Doab between the Chenab and the Ravi, possibly com- 
prising even a portion of the country between the Jhelum and 
the Chenab, and thus abutted on Kaikeya on the West. 
We get a clue to the inhabitance of the Madras from a verse 
in the Karnaparvan of the Mahabharata 26 which refers to a 
Madra, who had come to live among the Kurus, as yearning 
for his return to his native place beyond the Sitadru and the 
Iravati to enjoy the company of charming women. 

Sakala (Pali-Sagala, modern Sialkot) was the capital of the 
Madras identified 261 with Sanglawala-Tiba, to the West of the 
Ravi. From the Milinda-panho, we learn that king Milinda 
(Menander) a Graeco-Bactrian king, who became a convert to 
Buddhism, was ruling over the Madda country with Sagala as 
his capital which according to a Buddhist lexicon, was one of 
the twenty ancient cities. 262 The brahminical name 263 of the 
Madra Capital was Sakala mentioned by Panini 264 as Sankala. 
In the Mahabharata 265 and the Jatakas 266 Sakala is described 
as standing on the bank of the Apaga in a tongue of land 
between two rivers, called the Sakaladvlpa, which corresponds 
to the Rechna Doab. 

We know from the Mahabharata about Salya, king of the 
Madras (Madraraja). 267 After severe fighting, and many 
vicissitudes, the Madra soldiers were killed by Arjuna. 268 

The Madras are mentioned in the Puranas as well. 269 The 
Visnu Purana 270 refers to the Madras along with the Aramas, 
Parasikas, and others and in the Matsya Purana 271 with 
Gandhara, Yavana and others. The latter 272 mentions king 
Asvapati of Sakala in the kingdom of the Madras. 

The Madras, according to the Arthasastra of Kautilya 27 * 
were a corporation of warriors and people enjoyed the title of 
rajan (rdjasabdopajivinah) , 274 


Madra women were noted for their beauty. 275 The Jatakas 
bear ample testimony to the fact that the Madra princesses 
were sought in marriage by the great ksatriya house of North 
India. 276 The Mahabharata tells us that it was a family custom 
of the Madras to receive a fee from the bridegroom when they 
gave their daughters in marriage. 277 

Some scholars identify the Madras with Vahlika (or 
Vahlka). 278 Sakala as a Vahlkagrama is also mentioned by 
Patanjali. 279 From the references in the Mahabharata, Vahlka 
would appear to have stood for the whole of Punjab. 280 The 
Vahlka-gramas of Sakala and Patanaprastha, as referred to 
in the grammatical works, 281 imply the inclusion of Madra- 
janapada in the Vahlka country. 

The Madras are known as low, barbarous 282 and sinful 
people. 283 They are mentioned as base, impure and contemp- 
tible. 284 "Amongst the Madrakas all acts of friendship are 
lost" 285 and so it is said: "Neither one should create enmity, nor 
friendship with a Madraka". 286 The Rajatarangin! also records 
similar views. 287 

But the advent of the Jarttikas or Jartas (modern Jats) who 
spread over the whole of Punjab was responsible for the degene- 
ration of the Madras. 288 The legend of Savitrl and Satyavan 
is connected with the Madra country, for Savitrl was the 
daughter of Asvapati, king of Madra. 289 In the Udyogaparvan 
the camp of Salya is described as full of warriors, whose strange 
armours, bows and banners, unfamiliar trappings, vehicles and 
equipment and local costumes, ornaments and deportment 
presented a unique spectacle in the country of the Kurus. 290 

In the early part of the sixth century A.D. the Madra 
country passed under the rule of the Huna conqueror Mihira- 
kula (A.D. 515-535) who ruled from Sialkot. The Madras 
continued to flourish even up to the time of the Pala king 
Dharmapala in the 9th century A.D. 291 

12. Malava (No. 1, L. 22 ; No. 17, L. 19 ; No. 32, L. 11) : 
We know Malava as a tribe which was subjugated along with 
some other tribes by Samudragupta(No. 1). No. 17 refers to the 
Malava-gana 292 which has been translated by Fleet as 'the tribal 
constitution of the Malavas' in the sense of the event of some 
formal establishment of the Malavas' as a tribe. 293 Fleet fixes 



it up as 57-56 B.C. 294 Thomas 29 * translates the expression as 
"the continuance (sthiti) of the tribal constitution (gana) of 
the Malavas" and adds "It was to gana-sthiti, not to gana, that 
I gave the meaning of 'tribal constitution' ; and I did not intro- 
duce the idea of 'Continuance'." My amended translation is 
"the usage of the Malava tribe." 296 Thus the expression 'Mdla- 
vdndm gana' refers to the Malavas as a tribe. No. 32 speaks of 
the Malava- varhsa which has been translated as 'the race of 
the Malavas, 297 but it would be better to translate it as "the 
dynasty of the Malavas". 298 It seems that this tribe had esta- 
blished independent rulership and so we find the word 'varhsa' 
used where the word 'gana' could also be used 299 

Dr. Buddha Prakash holds that Madras and Malavas were 
the same, in Prakrit Madra becomes Malla, as 'dra' is changed 
into '//'. He identifies Malla with the Malloi of the Greeks 
and Malava of the Epic. He points out that the sons of Asva- 
pati, king of the Madras, were called Malavas after their 
mother, according to decree of Yama which shows that Madra 
and Malava were identical. 300 

But we venture to disagree with the learned scholar. The 
Brhatsarhhita mentions Madraka and Malava separately but 
side by side as people of the North. 301 

At the time of Samudragupta, the Malavas possibly lived in 
Rajasthan and West Malwa 302 consisting of Mewar, Tonk and 
adjoining regions of south-east Rajasthan. 303 They setteled in 
various localities in Western India after having migrated from 
the Punjab where they had fought with Alexander on the lower 
banks of Ravi. 304 Their original home was in Jhang District, 
Punjab. 305 Subsequently they became the inhabitants of Malwa 
and the Vikrama era derived its original appellation from 
them. 306 That the Malavas had migrated to the Jaipur region 
(Rajasthan) from the Punjab is supported by the fact that the 
legend on some Malava coins found in Rajasthan reads from 
right to left as in KharosthI, which was prevalent in the 
Punjab and the north-west from very early times. 307 The Sikhs 
of Ferozpur, Ludhiana, Patiala, Jind and Malerkotala are 
still known as Malava Sikhs, probably, because these regions 
were populated by the Malavas in ancient times. 308 Malava 
and Malavaka are also to be differentiated, the former is 


Malava proper while the latter is lesser Malava with the diminu- 
tive suffix 'fca'. 309 

Malava is the same as Malloi of the Greeks. 310 Panini does 
not mention them by name, but his sutra, V. 3. 117 speaks of 
'ayudhajlvi samghas', or tribes living by the profession of arms, 
and the Kasika says that amongst these samghas were the 
Malavas and Ksudrakas. 311 The Malava tribe is actually men- 
tioned in the Mahabhasya of Patanjali. 312 

The Mahabharata couples the Malavas with the Tri- 
garttas, 313 as well as with the Sivis and Ambasthas. 314 But 
soon they migrated southwards and settled somewhere in Rajas- 
than where we find them at the time of Samudragupta. 315 
Many coins found at Nagar, 45 miles north of Kota, have the 
legend. " Malavanam jayah" (victory of the Malavas) in letters 
belonging to the period from 250 B.C. to A.D. 250. According 
to Cunningham these coins show that the existence of the 
Malavas as a recognised and important clan, long before their 
tribal constitution led to the establishment of their era. 316 The 
Malavas came into conflict with Nahapana's son-in-law Usava- 
data who subdued them. 317 

According to the Puranas 318 the Malavas are associated with 
the Saurastras, Avantis, Abhiras, Suras, and Arbudas, dwell 
along the Pariyatra mountains. Thus they seem to have occupi- 
ed other territories besides the Punjab or Rajasthan. Pargiter 
points out that even according to the Puranas the Malavas 
lived in a 'mountanious' country, and were nowhere near pre- 
sent Malwa. Malava king were taken as vratya and mostly 
sudra in the Puranas. 319 

The Bhismaparvan of the Mahabharata mentions the western 
(pratlcya) and northern (udlcya) sections of the Malavas. 320 
But the Ramayana locates the Malavas in the east. 321 Kama- 
sutra's commentator Jayamahgala, who flourished later than 
the fourteenth century, says that Avantika, which is identical 
with Ujjayini-desa, is apara-Malava* 22 This has led some 
writers to suggest that Malava proper is Dasarna. But Jaya- 
mangala's geographical knowledge was not perfect. 323 His 
remark on Malava is to be rejected as it runs counter to earlier 
authorities. Rajasekhara mentions Malava, Avanti and Vidisa 
and the Manjusri mentions Malava, Vidisa and Dasarna side 



by side 324 Modern Malwa is the region around UjjayinI and 
Bhilsa. The influence of the Malavas in the Mandasor region is 
proved by the fact that they could impose their tribal era upon 
the Mandasor princes. 325 An inscription describes the subjuga- 
tion of Sapta-Malava by Dandanayaka Anantapala, a feudatory 
of Vikramaditya VI. 326 

The Harsacarita of Bana refers to the 'wicked Malava king' 
generally identified with Devagupta, who killed Grahavarman 
Maukhari, but was himself defeated by Rajyavardhana. 
B.C. Law places the kingdom of Devagupta between Prayaga 
and Bhilsa which is identical with Purva-Malava. 327 

Thus the Malavas originally belonged to Jhang District 
in Punjab (now in Pakistan), from where they spread all 
over Punjab and by the time of Samudragupta had migrated 
to Rajasthan. The Malavas had emerged in 250 B.C. as an 
independent tribal state. But they came under the subservience 
of the Sakas in the 1st century B.C., to the western ksatraps 
from the 2nd to the 4th centuries A.D. and to Samudragupta 
in the 4th century A.D., but this typical native state exerted 
itself again. 328 In the period after about A.D. 550 they seem to 
have migrated further to the east and covered the region from 
Bhilsa (Eastern Malwa) to Prayaga. 329 During the rule of the 
Palas of Bengal they seem to have migrated still further east ; 
for the copper plates of thePala kings (excepting Dharmapala), 
refer to the Malavas as mercenary troops in their army. 330 

The name of the tribe survives in the modern province of 
Malwa (a transformation of the word Malava), and in the brah- 
mana castes called 'Malavls' or 'Malavikas'. They arethebrah- 
manas of Malava proper and the adjoining country, but are found 
also in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. 331 

13. Mleccha(No. 14, L. 4) : 

According to Sircar 332 Fleet conjectures the reading to be 
Mleccha. The last few letters in line 4 after 'm' are not legible. 
So how Fleet could take this reading without putting any 
doubt is really surprising. Mlecchas were amongst the enemies 
defeated by Skandagupta in this inscription (No. 14). The war 
with the Mlecchas probably refers to his fight with the Hunas 
which is specifically referred to in the Bhitari Pillar Inscription. 
Whether the Mlecchas are the same as Hunas or were a 


different tribe, both the records (No. 13, No. 14) claim that 
Skandagupta completely defeated these enemies. 333 The fact 
that in both the inscriptions, the reference to the fight with the 
Hunas and Mlecchas is preceded by a reference to the falling 
fortunes of the family supports the identification. 

We also find a reference to the oppression of the earth by 
the Mlecchas in the epilogue of the play Mudra-Raksasa written 
by Visakhadatta where it is prayed that 'The earth may now be 
protected by "His Highness" along with relatives and retinue 
by king Candragupta'. It is probable that the play was written 
after the Ramagupta episode and probably the word Mleccha 
in this context alludes to the Sakas who were suppressed by 
Candragupta II in the guise of the Gupta queen Dhruvasvamini. 

D.C. Sircar 334 is of the view that Mleccha is the name 
applied to the Muhammadans and other foreigners. In the 
Sanskrit language originally there does not appear to have 
been any general term for a foreigner. But as the Dasa, Dasyu, 
Barbara, and Mleccha became more or less absorbed in Aryan 
civilization and the original specific meaning of these terms 

was no longer remembered, these words came to be used for 
any foreigner. 335 

The word Mleccha was used to refer to both the eastern and 
western Anavas. In course of time it came to be used for almost 
any non-Aryan and even for Aryans of impure speech. Subse- 
quently the term meant something like "foreigner", but that was 
after most of the Anavas had become assimilated. 336 When not 
used in association with the foreigners the word Mleccha is 
used for one who is impure, dirty or uncultured. It is derived 
from the root ^mlich^mlech^ 1 meaning to speak indistinctly 
(like a foreigner or barbarian who does not speak Sanskrit). 
We find the use of root in Mahabhasya. 338 

The Sanskrit term Mleccha, referring to the indistinct 
speech of some non-Aryans, is taken from proto-Bodish (proto- 
Tibetan) mltse "tongue", Old Bodish Use, Kukish generally 

mlei, the combination of initial consonants (mlts ) being 

simplified in various ways indifferent Tibeto-Burmic languages. 
Aspiration cannot occur after 7 in old Bodish; and the proto- 
Bodish form may have been mltse for all we know, so the ( cch* 
of Sanskrit "Mleccha may come nearer the primitive affricate 



than anything preserved in the Tibeto-Burmic languages. 
Since 'mlcche* would be an impossible combination in Sanskrit, 
mleccha would be as close as a Sanskrit speaker could come to 

it " .339 

Mleccha 340 occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana 341 in the 
sense of a barbarian in speech. Here the brahmanas are for- 
bidden to use barbarian speech. The example 342 given of such 
speech is "he* layo", explained by Sayana as "he* rayah", "ho, 
foes". The barbarians referred to were Aryan speakers, though 
not speakers of Sanskrit, but of a Prakrit form of speach. 343 

An ancient tradition regards the Andhras, Pulindas and 
Sabaras as dog-eaters or Mlecchas. 344 The Jain Prajnapana 
records two divisions of the people of India Milikkha and 
Arya, and enumerates 53 people in the former group, some of 
which are the Saga, Javana, Sabara, Vavvara, Hona, Romaya, 
Parasa and Khasa. 345 

The Mahabharata 346 states that the Mlecchas dwelt in the 
Yavana, Cina and Kamboja countries. In a dual between 
Karna and Salya, Karna highly condemns the people of the 
Vahlka and especially of the Madra Country and describes 
them as the Mleccha, the dirt among the human beings. 347 
They belong to unpious countries and are totally ignorant 
about the Dharma (righteous conduct). 348 At another place, 
it is stated that the Yavanas are the Mlecchas, though they 
follow their own ways (i.e. not following the Vedic Orthodoxy) 
yet they are full of knowledge and brave but the Vahlkas and 
the Madras are condemned as utterly foolish. 349 This makes it 
clear that the people not following the righteous conduct 
according to the Aryan beliefs, whether indigenous or foreign, 
were labelled as the Mlecchas. The Mahabharata 350 shows that 
the coastal regions were the favourite resort of the Mlecchas 
and that they were dreadful. The Epic describes the Mlecchas 
as being impure because they were of bovine extraction and 
describes them as fierce and cruel. 351 

In the Manu-SmrtfiM the king is advised to exclude at 
deliberation time, the foolish, dumb, blind, and deaf, birds, 
the aged, women; the Mlecchas (the impure), diseased and 
deformed. At another place in the Manu-Smrti where the girls 
bearing the names after a star, a tree, (or) a river, one called 


after the Antyas or a mountain, one called after a bird, snake, 
or slave or with a terrifying name are forbidden for marriage, 
Kulluka, the commentator on Manu explains the word Antya as 
representing the Mlecchas. 353 From the Manu 354 it is clear 
that the Mlecchas spoke a different language than the Aryans. 

The Vayu, Matsya and Brahmanda Puranas state that the 
seven Himalayan rivers pass through the Mleccha countries. 355 
In the Vardha Purana, a place named Lohargala is stated to be 
ruled over by the Mleccha kings. 356 

The Amara-kosa 357 describes the Kiratas, Sabaras and 
Pulindas as the Mlecchajdtis. The Brhat-Sarhhita 358 places 
them in the West and describes them as unrighteous. It places 
them under the jurisdiction of Mahgala graha^ 59 and assigns 
them the region of Rdhu graha, inhabiting the mountain-tops, 
low-regions or the caves. 360 In the 'life' of Hiuen Tsang, all 
places to the north of Lamgham district have been described as 
Mi-li-ku, i.e. frontier or Mleccha lands. 361 

In the Arya-manjusrI-Mula-kalpa, the Mlecchas frequently 
appear as the companions of robbers. 362 In the Kathasarit- 
Sagara, 363 the Mlecchas are connected with Sindh. They are 
stated to have killed brahmanas, interfered with sacrifices, and 
carried off the daughters of hermits. 364 The Rajataranginl 365 
mentions the Mlecchas as issuing forth from the valleys adjoin- 
ing the Himalayas. 

In medieval inscriptions, the name Mleccha has been applied 
indiscriminately to all foreigners. 366 The Mleccha army of the 
Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoja consisted of the Arabs 367 The 
Mlecchas of the inscriptions of the medieval period refer to 
Muhammadans and the people of Baluchistan. 368 

The Siddhanta-Kaumudi 369 describes the Ksudhunas as the 
Mlecchas. In the Saktisarigama Tantra (a work of the 17th 
century), we get reference to the Mleccha (verse 24), Maham- 
leccha (verses 28, 30) and Mleccha-marga (verse 31) where they 
are mentioned along with Pancala, Kamboja and Bahllka and 
the Khurasan country is described as the MIeccha-mdrga.^ 1Q 

14. Murundas (No. 1, L.23) : 

Murunda is mentioned in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of 
Samudragupta along with the terms Daivaputra, Sahi Sahan- 
usahi and Saka as one compound expression. 371 Fleet takes 



Sakas and Murundas as two separate tribes. They were one of 
the foreign potentates who came of their own accord to offer 
allegiance to Samudragupta. 

According to Sten Konow 'murundcC is the later form of 
a Saka word meaning 'lord' or 'master'. The term 'Saka- 
Murunda' therefore possibly stands for those Saka lords or 
chieftains who were ruling in the regions of Surastra and 
Ujjain at the time of Samudragupta. 372 

But we find in the Khoh plates of Maharaja Sarvanatha 
the names 'MurundadevI' 373 and Murundasvarnim 374 which 
shows that Murunda was the name of a tribe and not a title. 

On the basis of Khoh plates, Smith 375 suggested that "the 
Murundas may possibly have been settled in the hill country of 
Riwa along the Kaimur range or more probably further south 
in the Vindhya or north Dekkan or possibly in the Chhota- 

According to R.K. Mookerji, 376 the people called here as 
the Murundas are to be distinguished from the Sakas and may 
be identified with the Kusanas, as earlier suggested by Sten 
Konow. 377 

We know that the term Daivaputra in the inscription has 
been used to refer to the Kusana kings, and Sakas are men- 
tioned separately. So we cannot equate Murundas with the 
Kusanas as suggested by R. K. Mookerji. 

Some scholars regard Murunda as the name of a powerful 
foreign tribe, ruling in the upper Ganges valley. 378 According 
to the Chinese authority, the Capital of Meou-lun (a word 
equated with Murunda) was 7,000 li from the mouth of the 
Great River, which was undoubtedly the Ganges. Allan is, 
therefore, not right in suggesting that the Chinese description 
of the capital refers to Pataliputra. 379 Jayaswal took Saka- 
Murunda to denote the smaller Saka rulers like the 'Shalada, 
Shaka and the Gadahara chiefs as well as the Western 
Satraps'. 38 

In the Abhidhana-Cintamani 38 ! and the Vaijayanti 382 the 
Limpakas are identified with Murundas. The Lampakas are 
the same as the Lambatai of Ptolemy. 383 The Puranas, 384 
mention Lampakas, the people who were residing in Lampaka, 
the modern Laghman in Afghanistan. Rajasekhara seems to be 


referring to Lampaka as Limpaka. 385 

The Murundas seem to be a foreign tribe. Murunda is 
clearly a non-Aryan word and can have no Aryan derivation. 386 

Ptolemy (2nd century A.D.) mentions the Murundas for the 
first time under the name Moroundai and places them on the 
western border of the 'Gangaridai\ They seem to have occu- 
pied an extensive territory, probably the whole of North-Bihar 
on the east of the Ganga, as far as the head of the delta. They 
had six important cities, all to the east of the Ganga : Boraita, 
Koryagaza, Kondota, Kelydna, Aganegora and Talarga. These 
places are difficult to identify but to Saint-Martin Kelydna 
appeared to have some relation with KalinadI or Kalindi river, 
and Aganagora with Aghadip (Agradvipd) on the eastern bank 
of the Ganges, a little below Katwa. 387 

According to Cunningham, the name of the Marundai is 
still preserved in the country of the Mundas, a hill tribe 
scattered over Chhota-Nagpur and Central India. 388 But M.S. 
Pandey 389 opposes the view on the ground that the Murundas 
dwelt in the north-west with other foreign tribes. The evidence 
is strong enough to show that the Murundas had not spread so 
far to the east as to occupy the Chhota-Nagpur region. How- 
ever, barbarous and pastoral the Murundas might have been 
before their immigration into India, when they held the sceptre 
in their hands they must have been endowed with the quality 
and capacity to rule over a people who were highly civilized. 
Such a race could hardly have sunk to a position so low as 
that of the Mundas of the modern times. Moreover, the 
Mundas are a dominant division of the aboriginals of the 
Chhota-Nagpur region. Had they been the descendants of the 
Murundas, we should have found them in other parts of 
Central India also, and not confined to this small region so far 
from their place of origin. 390 

M.S. Pandey 391 disagrees with the Puranic account on the 
basis that many discrepancies have crept in owing to the mis- 
takes of the copyists. 

15. Prarjunas (No. 1, L.22) : 

A tribe subdued by Samudragupta who are said to have obeyed 
his imperial commands and paid all kinds of taxes. Vincent 
Smith 392 places the Prarjunas in the Narasirhhapur district of 


the Central Provinces, but a more plausible location is Nara- 
sirhhagarh in Central India, 393 as much as three other tribes 
which are coupled with Prarjunas, the Sanakanlkas, Kakas and 
Kharaparikas, seem to have occupied regions more or less 
within the bounds of Central India 394 The tribe, associated 
with the name of Arjuna, existed in the Punjab and north-west 
before the advent of Gupta power in the fourth century A.D. 395 
Kautilya knows of a psople called Prajjunaka (Prarjunaka)?^ 

16. Pusyamitras (No. 13, L.ll) : 

The Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription 397 records Skandagupta's 
victory over a powerful enemy called the Pusyamitras, who 
possessed a strong army and a rich treasury : he (Skandagupta) 
placed (his) left foot on a foot-stool which was the king (of 
that tribe himself). 398 H. R. Divekar suggested the reading 
Yudhy-amitran in place of Pusyamitran. But, as pointed out by 
R.D. Banerji, 399 the proposed reading is impossible. 

There are several views about the identification of the 

(i) Fleet identified them with the people mentioned in the 
Puranas as Patumitras and located them on the 
Narmada. 400 

(ii) V.A. Smith 401 regarded them as a people of the North. 

(iii) Hoernle believed that they were the same as the 

(iv) R.D Banerji 403 regarded them as the first wave of the 


(v) N K. Bhattasali has suggested that the Pusyamitras 
were the descendants of king Pusyavarma of Assam. 404 

Bhattasali says that a pun (slesa) has been used for "the 
descendants of Pusyavarman of Assam who had so long been 
mitras or friends of the Guptas, but had change into foes by 
their desire for conquest and had invaded the Gupta empire from 
the east and made it totter". But as remarked by D.C. Sircar, 
"there is no grammatical, lexicographical, or literary support, 
for this interpretation of the name Pusyamitra". 405 

Bhattasali opines that Mahendravarman, whom he assigns 
to the period A.D. 450 to 490 who performed two horse-sacri- 
fices must have been powerful enough to launch an attack on 
the Gupta empire in the reign of Skandagupta. 


We know that the definite limits of Skandagupta's reign 
are from A.D. 455 to 467. The period of the rule of 
Mahendravarman, however, cannot be so definitely fixed because 
we do not possess any dated records of his reign. As a matter 
of fact the entire chronology of the kings of Assam can be 
settled approximately only by means of synchronisms and rough 
calculations. The attack on the Gupta empire by the Varmans 
of Assam in the reign of Skandagupta is an impossibility. 406 

The Pusyamitras cannot be a branch of the Hunas as held by 
R.D. Banerji. The Hunas have been mentioned separately in 
the Bhitari Inscription. 407 "By whose (Skandagupta's) two 
arms the earth was shaken, when he, the creator (of a distur- 
bance like that) of a terrible whirlpool, joined in close conflict 
with the Hunas". Hoernle's view that "the Pusyamitras were the 
same as Maitrakas who some years later under the leadership 
of Bhatarka established themselves in Valabhl probably with 
the help of the Huna ruler Toramana"; 408 is also not accept- 
able as the Maitrakas remained subservient to the Imperial 
Guptas from the time of Bhatarka to that of Dronasirhha. 409 
Therefore, they cannot be the same as Pusyamitras who rebelled 
against Skandagupta. 

The Puranas mention a people called Pusyamitras, whose 
rule commenced after the end of the dynasty of the Vindhyakas. 
In the Visnupurana MSS. consulted by Prof. Wilson we have 
the following statement : "and Puspamitras, and Patumitras 
and others to the number of thirteen will rule over Mekala". 410 
Prof. Wilson has added the following note, "It seems most 
correct to separate the thirteen sons or families of the Vindhya 
princes from these Bahlikasand then from the Pusyamitras and 
Patumitras who governed Mekala, a country on the Nar- 
mada". 411 

A similar statement is to be found in the Vayupurana, 
according to which 'the Pusyamitras and Patumitras are 
grouped with the rulers of Mekala, whose seven kings have not 
been named. 412 

The mention of Vindhyakas, evidently a people of the 
Vindhya region, and of Mekala, points to the south rather than 
to North. So the view of V.A. Smith that the Pusyamitras were 
a people of the North is not acceptable. 


Thus the view of Fleet that the Pusyamitras are to be placed 
in Central India somewhere in the country along the banks of 
the Narmada, seems to be most reasonable. 413 This is supported 
by numismatic evidence, a hoard of coins brought to light by 
D.B. Diskalkar, 414 from the village of Bamnala, 24 miles to 
the south of the Narmada, indicates that there was a serious 
disturbance of peace in the vicinity of Mekala, in the middle 
of the fifth century A.D. and we may connect it with the rising 
of the Pusyamitras in that region. 415 

17. Sahanusahi^ (No. 1, L. 23) : 

Sahanusahis are also mentioned to have paid homage to 
Samudragupta along with other tribes. The Sahanusahis are 
to be identified with the Sassanids or the Sassanian kings. The 
title 'Sdhanusdhi (sahan-sah) has frequently been used by the 
Sassanian kings. 417 The contemporary Sassanian emperor was 
Shahpur II (A.D. 309-379). 418 The Sassanians are known to 
have been the rulers of Persia from A.D. 211 to 651. 419 Accord- 
ing to tradition the dynasty is named after its founder Sassan. 
His son and successor Papaka, seized power by a coup d'etat 
against his suzerain, the Parthian king and his accession was 
the starting point for a new era (A.D. 208). 42 

Goyal 421 confuses the Sassanians with the Paraslkas of 
Kalidasa. But they were different from the Paraslkas. The 
Sassanians had founded a powerful kingdom in Persia, but they 
had not yet conquered the whole of Persia. 422 The Paraslkas 
of Kalidasa were the Sahis. 423 Though the possibility of a 
Kusana-Sassanian coalition may not be ruled out it seems that 
at the time of Samudragupta, 424 three kings the Daivaputra (the 
Kusanas), the Sahi (the Persians or the Paraslkas of Kalidasa), 
and the Sahanusahi (the Sassanians) were ruling indepen- 
dently. 425 

Buddha Prakash 426 traces the Khatri sub-castes Sahni and 
Osahan as the remnants of the title 'Sahanusahi'. But this is 
far-fetched. So far as Sahni is concerned it is to be connected 
with Sadhanika the name of an officer in the administration of 
the early medieval period. 427 

It may be noted that the Sassanian title Sahan-Sah was 
used for the Great Emperor in Mughal period, which usage 
continues. In popular parlance the term is used for calling or 


receiving some person respectively. 

18. Sahi* (No.l, L.23) : 

The Sahis are said to have paid homage to Samudragupta. 
From the appendix it is clear that Daivaputra is not an adjec- 
tive of Sahi as Goyal 429 has surmised and has identified it 
with Kidara Kusana of the Great Kusana family. 

Daivaputras have been interpreted to denote the Kusanas ; 
so Sahis cannot be identified with the Kusanas. They must 
have been an independent and separate tribe, and may be 
identified with the Persians mentioned in the Raghuvamsa in 
connexion with the North- Westren conquests of Raghu. 430 

Goyal 431 identifies the Sassanians with the Paraslkas of 
Kalidasa. But Paraslkas can never be identified with Sassanians. 
The word 'Paraslkas' itself clearly be speaks of the Persians and 
is identical with the modern Parasis. Moreover, Sahanusahis 
are to be identified with the Sassanians whereas Sahis refer to 
the Persians. Even now the king of Persia (Iran) is known as 
4 Shah of Iran'. 

Sahi is an Iranian or Persian word and seems to have some 
relation with Sanskrit root \/sas to rule, which when formed a 
noun means 'a ruler'. 432 The Sahi dynasty of Kabul was ousted 
by the brahmana minister of the last king. The new dynasty was 
also known as the Sahis and has been mentioned by Al-Beruni 
and Kalhana. 

The word Saha or Sahu, often used for banias in villages, 
is not connected with Sahi or Sahi but is to be derived from 
Sanskrit 'sadhu 9 .* 3 * 

19. Saimhalaka (No. 1, L. 23) : 

Inhabitants of Simhala or Ceylon. They are mentioned along 
with the Daivaputras, Sahis, Sahanusahis, Sakas and Murundas, 
and all (other) dwellers in islands (probably the islands of 
Southern Sea such as Java and Sumatra) 434 who paid homage 
to Samudragupta by offering themselves for services, bringing 
presents of maidens, praying for charters bearing the imperial 
Gupta Garuda seal (Garutmadahka) by which they would be 
left undisturbed by the emperor in the enjoyment (bhukti) and 
administration (sasana) of their respective territories. 435 If 
literally interpreted the inscription will suggest that the people 
mentioned here were really tributaries under Samudragupta. 


When we see from the inscription itself that the Tamil states 
were left undisturbed, the inclusion of even distant Simhala 
(Ceylon) and all other islands in this category raises great 
doubts about this interpretation, and we shall hardly be justi- 
fied in taking the words of the Court-poet in their literal sense 
without corroborative evidence. 436 But the question arises that 
was the conquest of TamraparnI (Simhala) by Asoka in his 
Rock Edict II also a simple boast of this kind ? 437 

So far as Ceylon is concerned, we have fortunately an 
independent evidence of its political relation with Samuda- 

We know that after the death of king Mahasena (A.D. 33462) 
of the Lambakarna clan his son Sumeghavarna (chi-mi-kia- 
po-mo="c\oud of merit") became king of Ceylon who was a 
contemporary of Samudragupta ( San-meou-to-lo-kin-to ) .**% He, 
according to a Chinese text, sent two monks to Bodh-Gaya to 
visit the sacred spots, but they were put to great inconvenience 
for want of suitable accommodation. To remove this difficulty 
for future pilgrims to the holy place, Meghavarna decided to 
found a monastery there. He accordingly sent a mission to 
Samudragupta with rich presents and asked for permission, 
and the Ceylonese king built a splendid monastery to the north 
of the Bodhi tree. 439 

By the time of Hiuen Tsang it had developed into a magni- 
ficant establishment, with more than 1,000 priests, and the 
pilgrim has described the rich decorations and massive grand- 
eur of the buildings. Referring to the old history of its 
foundation Hiuen Tsang says that the Ceylonese king 'gave in 
tribute to the king of India all the jewels of his country'. "It 
is likely that Samudragupta's courtier also regarded the rich 
presents as a tribute, and construed the Ceylonese king's 
prayer for permission to build a monastery into an 'application 
for charter confirming him in the enjoyment of his territories', 
one of the forms of homage paid by the category of states into 
which Simhala is included". 440 

Simhala is generally identified with Lanka. But Varahami- 
hira 441 mentions both of them separately as situated in the 

Lanka has been identified differently by various scholars 
with Lanka of Madhyadesa, 442 with Maldives, 443 with the 


northern part of the Andhra country on the shores of the Bay 
of Bengal, 444 and with an island off the south-east Coast of Cey- 
lon. 445 All these theories are refuted by S.B. Chaudhuri 446 who 
remarks that the assumption that Lanka is not Ceylon is gra- 
tuitous. 447 He points out that in the Ramayana Ravana while 
entreating Slta to be his wife says : "Lankandma samudrasya 

madhye mama mahdpuri sdgarena pariksiptd nivistd " 448 

Hanuman makes a similar statement in describing the strategi- 
cal position of Lanka : Sthitd pare samudrasya durapdrasya.^ 
Kalidasa in his Raghuvarhsa in connexion with 'Purim Lahkdm* 
writes : "Mahdrnava pariksepam lankdydh parikhdlaghum".^ 
With regard to the bridge built by Rama Kalidasa notes : sa 
setum bandhaydmdsa plavangairlavandmbhasi.* 51 In the Skanda 
Purana 452 and in the Kathasaritsagara, we have similar references 
to Lanka. 453 All these passages point distinctly to the great sea 
on the other side of which was situated the great city of Lanka. 

The separate mention of Simhala and Lanka in many 
Sanskrit texts is quoted to show that Lanka was distinct from 
Ceylon. 454 This is hardly convincing for the separate mention 
of Mathura and Surasena, Saketa and Kosala, Gandhara 
and Taksasila, Avanti and Ujjaini, did not imply any material 
geographical difference as they were treated only as convertible 
terms in geographical texts of the Puranas. In the Puranic 
lists, Lanka is a territorial name and Simhala is an ethnic name. 
As the name of a city in the island of Siriihala, Lanka passed 
off as a dvipa, and the two names were used in the same 
geographical sense. A passage in the Ramayana runs thus : 
"Simhalan barbardn mlecchdn ye ca lahkdnivdsinah".^ Hiuen 
Tsang also mentions Seng-ka-lo (Ceylon) which included Leug- 
ka (Lanka). 456 As pointed out by B.C. Law, the Mahavamsa 
and its commentary show that Lankadvlpa (the lower portion) 
was one of the main divisions of the island of Ceylon. 457 

It is a valid presumption, therefore, that the ancient name 
Lanka referred to Ceylon. 458 We may assume further, as seems 
very likely, that Lanka was the early name of Ceylon and its 
literary name as well. Mention is made of Lahkddvipa even in 
medieval inscriptions. 45 ^ The Madras museum plates of Jatila- 
varman refer to the beautiful island of Lanka asllangai.* Epi- 
graphic evidence, however, shows that Simhala, another name 



of ancient Ceylon, was equally well known. Thus the Kanhad 
plate of Krsna III refers to the island of Sirhhala. 461 In another 
inscription the king of Sirhhala is described as waiting on the 
shore. 462 In other inscriptions Sirhhala is variously designated 
as Singala-desam, 463 Sllam 464 and Sihala. 465 All this evidence 
favours the suggestion that as territorial names Sirhhala and 
Lanka were convertible terms, although the latter is also 
used as the name of a city. Priaulx remarks and probably, 
correctly, that Lanka was the old mythological name for 
Ceylon, and that later on it was supplanted by Tamraparru% 
and subsequently when the Periplus was written, by Palaesi- 
mundus or Palaesimoundon which itself was transformed into 
Salike, Serendiva derived from Pali Sihala or Sihala dipa.^ 
The name Palaesimoundon is very plausibly based on "pare 
samudrasya"^ 1 in the description given of Lanka as noted 
above. Ptolemy's Simoundon 468 also refers to that name. But 
in Ptolemy's Geography the island is called Salike which 
responds to Siele diba of Kosmas Indicopleustes^* both o^ 
which have their sources in Sihalam "the Pali form of Sanskrit 
Sirhhala" or Ceylon. To this source may be traced its other 
names such as Serendib.Zeilan, Sialan, the last one yielding 
to Ceylon. Marco Polo's Seilan* 71 is a nearer approach to the 
modern name. Van-der-turk suggests that the name may have 
been derived from Sela or 'precious stone', hence the island 
was anciently called Ratnadvipa* An Arab historian called 
it the "Island of Rubies". The Chinese name for the island 
also implies reference to gems. The name Sailan also occurs in 
the works of Rashiduddin, Hayton and Jordanus. 473 Al-Beruni 
called it Smgaldib* 1 * Sirhhala is perhaps so called as once 
abounding in lions. 475 

We may note here that there are references to another 
Sirhhala quite different from Ceylon. 476 It was placed to the 
east of Marudesa and to the south of the Kamadri. It is evi- 
dently in the Punjab-Rajasthan region and reminds us of the 
kingdom of Simhapura mentioned by Hiuen Tsang. 

20. &fai(No. 1.L.23) : 

One of the tribes which is said to have paid homage to 
Samudragupta. As we have already discussed in connexion 
with the Murundas, the expression, ( Saka-Murun<Ja' should 


not be translated to mean aka-lords. Following Fleet 477 
we may better split the expression into two distinct names, 
the Sakas and Murundas. 

The Sakas in the time of Samudragupta (4th century A.D.) 
must be the akas of Western India belonging to the Satrcpal 
family of Castana and Rudradaman. Jn this period the Saka 
ruler was Rudrasimha II and his successor Rudrasirhha III, 
whose coins come up to A.D. 390, was killed by Candragupta 
II. 478 Other persons of that nationality were ruling in and 
about Sand. 479 

The Scyths, whom Indians named as Sakas, were originally 
living on the borders of Bactria. A nomadic people called 
Yueh-Chih by the Chinese forced them to move from that 
place. Eventually in the beginning of the first century B.C., the 
Sakas moved on from Bactria to attack first the Parthians of 
Iran, and then the Greeks in India. 480 

By the middle of the 1st Century B.C. there remained only 
a few petty Greek chiefs in India, and the power of the Sakas 
reached Mathura. The Sakas continued the earlier practice 
of issuing coins with bilingual legends in Greek and Prakrit. 
The earliest Saka king in India was Maues (about C.80 

B.C.) 481 

Towards the close of the first Century A.D., the Satavahanas 
were pushed out from the North- West Deccan by the invad- 
ing Sakas of the Ksaharata clan; but the Satavahanas under 
the greatest of their rulers, GautamTputra Satakarnin recover- 
ed their lands about A.D. 130. After this event nothing more 
is heard of the Ksaharatas. 482 

Another aka dynasty, called the Karddamaka family but 
generally known as the "Western Satraps", gained control of 
Kathiawar and Malwa at about the same time, and ruled 
roughly upto A.D. 400, and at the hight of their power govern- 
ing much of Rajasthan and Sind also. The greatest ruler of 
this dynasty was Rudradaman, who has left the earliest impor- 
tant inscription in correct Sanskrit, 483 a long panegyric which 
records his martial exploits, and his reconstruction of a great 
artificial lake at Girnar in Kathiawar, which had been excava- 
ted under Candragupta and improved in the time of Asoka. 
This inscription is among the earliest certainly dated records 



of ancient India, and proves that Rudradaman was reigning in 
A.D. 150. 484 

Samudragupta's main effort was in the direction of the 
West, where the Sakas had ruled for over 200 years and which 
was enriched by the lucrative western trade. The Sakas at 
that time controlled Malwa and Kathiawar and were a power 
to be reckoned with. 'Though the Allahabad Pillar Inscription 
claims that Samudragupta received homage from "the Saka 
lords", it is probable that he did not measure swords with 
them'. 485 It is clear that the Saka homage to Samudragupta 
was not at all sincere and reliable since it was not tendered 
to his successor, 486 and Candragupta II had to conquer the 
Sakas once again. 

There is indeed a tradition that on the death of Samudra- 
gupta the Sakas succeeded in shaking the Gupta Empire, and 
forced the weak king, Ramagupta, to conclude a dishonour- 
able peace. 487 Most authorities reject the story, and deny the 
historicity of Ramagupta, but the recent discovery of copper 
coins bearing his name 488 strengthens the suggestion that 
the tradition has a basis of fact. 489 

It was Candragupta II (C. 376-41 5), the son of Samudra- 
gupta and younger brother of the shadowy Ramagupta, who 
finally defeated the Sakas, soon after A.D. 388 49 ^> So he is 
rightly remembered as 'Sak&ri* 'the enemy of the Sakas'. 491 

The trousers were introduced into India by the Sakas and 
seem to have been in vogue among the ruling classes during 
the Gupta times, for Gupta kings often appear on their coins 
as wearing trousers. 492 

The akas were notorious drinkers. It is said that Cyrus 
defeated the Sakas, when they were maddened by wine. 493 
It has been suggested by Buddha Prakash that as a result of 
the influence of the Sakas, the vogue for excessive drinking 
spread. Strabo 494 speaks of a Bacchanalian festival of the 
Persian, in which men and women, dressed in Scythian style 
passed day and night in drinking and wanton play. 495 We 
know of similar drinking bouts in the Mahabharata. 496 Prob- 
ably the Scythians and the Iranians popularised drinking in 
the Punjab. The people of the Gangetic country, sticking to 
pristine ideals of moderation did not relish the exotic drink- 


ing bouts popularised in the Punjab, under Saka and Persian 
influence. Baudhayana in his Dharmasutra, Kama in the 
Mahabharata, and the Buddha in his discourses denounced 
drinking and laid down a prohibition against it. 497 But all 
this is not agreeable since Buddha and Baudhayana belong to a 
period before the coming of the Sakas. Aryans have been 
great lovers of drinking. We can find sufficient evidence for 
the drinking before Sakas. 

We may here refer to the Saka Era(A.D. 78), which is 
very popular in India even to-day. Traditionally this era is 
known to have been founded by a Saka king who occupied 
Ujjayim 137 years after Vikramaditya. The era may in fact 
have been founded by Kaniska. It was certainly used early in 
the 2nd Centuary A.D. by the "Western Satraps", who ruled 
Malwa, Kathiawar and Gujarat. Thence, the use of the era 
spread through the Deccan and was exported to South-East 
Asia. 498 Because of its long association with the Saka Satraps 
the era may have earned its present name. 

The Sakas came to be included in the category of the mart- 
ial classes of ancient India. Manu 499 refers to the warlike 
people on the fringes of Aryan civilization, including the 
Greeks (Yavana), the Scyths (Saka), and the Parthians (Pah- 
lava), as ksatriyas who had fallen from grace through their 
neglect of the sacred law, but who could be received once more 
into Aryan fold by adopting the orthodox way of life and 
performing appropriate penitential sacrifices. 500 

The Sakas were a white-skinned tribe or race of people; in 
the legends which relate the contests between Vasistha and 
Visvamitra, the Sakas are fabled to have been produced by 
the cow of Vasistha, from her sweat, for the destruction of 
Visvamitra's army. 501 

Buddha Prakash 502 traces the Saka invasion on the basis 
of literary and linguistic considerations. 

The name of the capital of the Madras, Sakala, and that of 
the region between the Ravi and the Chenab, Sakaladvlpa, are 
based on the word Saka and are indicative of a Saka invasion. 
Likewise, the name of the clan Sakya, to which Buddha 
belonged, enshrines a reminiscene of the word Saka. 

Moreover, the place-names ending in kantha existing in the 



whole of the Punjab from the Bannu valley to the Kankhala 
region and even beyond suggest an intrusion of the Sakas long 
before the time of Panini, 503 who is known to have flourished 
one century before the invasion of Alexander, the Great. 
Kantha is a Saka word for city 504 and is akin to kadhavara or 
kanthavara of Kharosthi inscriptions, Kand of Persian, Kantha 
of Khotanese, Kandh of Sogdian, Kandai of Pushto, Kanda 
or Koent of the dialect of the Rsikas. It is significant 
that the land beyond the Oxus, the Urheimat of the Sakas, 
abounds in Kan ///^-ending place names, such as Samarkand, 
Khokand, Chimkand, Tashkand, Panjkand, and Yarkand. 

The reference to the stepped-well, called Sakandhu after 
the Sakas, together with that worked by Persian Wheel, known 
as Karkandhu after the Karkians, in a varttika of Katyayana 505 
also leads to the same conclusion. 

At the time of Alexander's invasion the Sakas lived at the 
north-western borders of India. That this tide of Saka inva- 
sion, descending from the north-west, touched the eastern 
extremity of India, is manifest from the traditions of the 
Puranas that the Sakas advanced to Ayodhya during the reign 
of King Bahu and that his son Sagara checked and repelled 
them. 506 

In the Mahabharata the Sakas are stated to have constitut- 
ed along with Culikas, Tusaras and Yavanas, the right wing 
of the Krauncavyuha formed by Bhlsma on the sixth day of 
the battle. 507 Caraka in his medical treatise 508 refers to them 
in the context of Central Asiatic tribes, viz. Bahlika, Pahlava, 
Clna, Yavana and Saka. 509 

Buddha Prakash also tries to trace the remnants of the 
Sakas in modern times. 510 

The Sakas came into Punjab after the Yavanas or the 
Greeks. During their long rule they contributed a great deal 
to Indian culture and ultimately became one with the Indian 
people. 511 The depth of their influence on Indian society is 
manifest from the word thakura, which implies the ideas of 
nobility and divinity and stands for the Rajputs in the Punjab 
and is derived from the word thagora, taugara or tukhara. 512 
The name Tukhara itself survives in the name of the Tokhi 
caste found in the North- West. 513 Another caste called Khosla 


is a survival of Kusulaka, the surname of the Ksaharata 
chiefs Liaka Kusulaka and his son PatikaKusuluka. Analogous 
to this word is the name of Kuzula Kadphises the first Kusana 
emperor to advance towards the Punjab. Hultzsch has equated 
this word with Turki gtijlti meaning 'strong', and Sten Konow 
has compared it with Turki guzel, meaning 'beautiful', but 
Liiders has shown that it is the name of a family or clan of 
the Sakas. 514 So the name of Khosla is a remnant of this 
tribe. 515 Besides the Thakuras and Tokhis of the Punjab, 
there are caste-groups of Soi and Sikka, which are reminiscent 
of the Sakas. 

21. Sanakanika (No. 1, L.22; No.3, L.2) : 
In Inscription No.3 it occurs with the short V in the fourth 
syllable, i.e. as 'Sanakanika'. 516 

The Sanakanlkas were also subjugated by Samudragupta 
along with other tribes who payed him all kinds of taxes, 
obeyed his orders and were coming to perform obeisance. 517 
In the Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candragupta If, of the 
Year 82 (A.D. 401) (No. 3), we know of a Maharaja of the 
'Sanakanika' tribe or family, who was a feudatory of Candra- 
gupta II and who is stated to have recorded his gift on a Vais- 
nava Cave temple at Udayagiri. 518 Udayagiri is a well-known 
hill about two miles to the north-west of Bhilsa, ancient 
Vidisa. 519 Thus we can say that the Sanakanlkas lived in the 
neighbourhood of Bhilsa. 520 D.R. Bhandarkar mentions them 
to have held the province of Vidisa but he also locates Gana- 
patinaga's kingdom (one of the kings subjugated by Samudra- 
gupta) in Vidisa. 521 So his view seems to be inconsistent. 

It may be noted that the Sanakanika feudatory chief of 
Candragupta II, as well as his father and grandfather, bore the 
title Maharaja. This may suggest that the Sanakanlkas, and 
probably other tribes mentioned along with them in the 
Allahabad Pillar Inscription were not tribal republics, as is 
generally supposed, but were ruled by hereditary chiefs. 522 

The name of the grandfather of this Sanakanika feudatory 
chief of Candragupta II, is given as Chagalaga 'which looks 
like a foreign name'; 523 but his father bears a purely Hindu 
name : 'Visnudasa'. Of course the present chief's name is 
illegible in the inscription (No. 3). 524 But considering the trend 


it may be surmised that his name also was a Sanskrit name. 525 
It seems that the tribe which originally consisted of aboriginal 
people was gradually coming under the influence of Sanskrit 

22. Vahlika (No.20, L.2) : 

The MeharaulT Pillar Inscription (No.20) describes the dig- 
vijaya of a king named Candra (i.e. Candragupta II) in the 
first verse as stated below : "He, on whose arm fame was 
inscribed by the sword, when, in battle in the Vanga count- 
ries, he kneaded (and turned) back with (his) breast the enemi- 
es who, uniting together, came against him; he, by whom, 
having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river) 
Sindhu, the Vahlikas were conquered; he, by the breezes of 
whose prowess the Southern ocean is even still perfumed". 526 
We find various readings of the name Vahlika in literature 
which are : Vahlika, Bahlika, Vahlika and Bahllka. In our 
inscription (No. 20) *Vah\ikah\ i.e. Vahlika in plural denotes 
the people of Vahlika i.e. Bactria (modern Balkh) region on 
the Oxus in the northern part of Afghanistan. 527 

Mislead by a verse in the Ramayana, 528 D.R. Bhandarkar 52 ^ 
places Vahlikas in the close proximity of the Vipasa,, the 
modern Beas. The reading Vdhllkan in the passage quoted 
from the Ramayana is a mistake for Vahlkan. Numerous 
passages can be quoted from the Epic, Puranic and classical 
Sanskrit literature to prove that the Punjab =Paficanada, 'the 
land of five rivers', was in ancient times called the Vahlka 
country. 530 

'Vahika' was, in fact, a general term for the whole of 
Punjab. We know Sakala as Vahika-grama from Patanjali and 
also Patanaprastha which is modern Pathankot by the same 
term. Moreover, Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra and Rajasekhara 
in his Kavya-mlmamsa mention the people of Bahllka and 
Punjab as two separate entities. 531 

There is, however, one verse in the Karnaparvan of the 
Mahabharata which suggests that Vahlka was originally the 
name of a country or people on the Vipasa, (the Beas) : "In 
the Vipasa, there were two Pisacas named Vahi and Hika; 
their descendants are called Vahikas who are not the creation 
ofPrajapati". 532 


Later on the sense of the word expanded to cover all the 
tribes living in the Punjab. It is interesting to note that the 
Mahabharata sometimes uses the terms Vahlka, Madra, Jartika, 
Aratta and Paficanada synonymously. It appears that the lands 
of these tribes which lived close to one another became in 
course of time moulded into a big kingdom under the powerful 
kings of Sakala (Sialkot). As Vahlka was beyond Kurukshetra 
and, therefore, outside the boundary of Brahmavarta, its ana- 
logical connection with the word "bahis 1 may have been another 
cause of the expansion of its geographical sense. 533 This is 
also reflected in the Varttikas of Katyayana who derives the 
word''VahIka' from l vahis" or 'bahis 9 , meaning 'outside' (the 
pale of Aryandom). 534 

Some scholars 535 rely on the description of the Bahlikas 
as the offspring of two Pisacas, Bahi and Hika, as given in 
the Mahabharata. Buddha Prakash holds that fresh stream 
of the Bactrian people which swooped over the Punjab came 
to be known as Balhikas; their name which became a general 
designation for the people of Punjab was later corrupted as 
Vahlka. 536 But we have already shown that the two were 
separate entities. 

We know that the Vahlkas were the people living within 
the boundaries of the five rivers including the sixth Sindhu 
(Indus), 537 but according to the Meharaull Pillar Inscription 
Candragupta conquered Vahlikas after crossing the seven 
mouths of the (river) Indus (sapta mukhani sindhoh). 538 So 
Vahlika of our inscription' is certainly Balkh in the extreme 
north of Afghanistan. 539 Bajpai 540 opposes it on the ground 
that Candragupta could not have gone to so far off a place as 
Bactria which is situated across the Hindukush and rejects 
the older contention of scholars that the Kusanas were ruling 
in Bactria during king Candra's campaign and that he crossed 
the Hindukush to crush them. 

But the view of Bajpai is not tenable since it is clear from 
the lines in our inscription 541 that king Candra had conquered 
the Vahlikas after crossing the seven mouths of the river 

So far as the literary evidence is concerned we find that 
Balhika is the name of a people in the Atharvaveda; 542 here 


the fever (Takman) is called upon to go to the Mujavants, the 
Mahavrsas, and the Balhikas. The Mujavants are quite certainly 
a northern tribe, and though the passage may contain a pun 
on Balhika as suggesting 'outsider' (from bahis, 'without'), 543 
still there is no doubt that the name was chosen from a northern 
tribe. 544 

The Satapatha Brahmana 545 mentions a Kuru king named 
Balhika Pratiplya. It seems that Balhika was a descendant of 
Pratlpa. But there is no evidence to show why he bore the name 
Balhika. 546 He is perhaps the same as Maharaja Bahlika Prati- 
peya of the Mahabharata. 547 

The Ramayana shows that the Royal Kuru family originally 
migrated from the Bahlika country. The passage in question 548 
says that Ila, son of the Prajapati Kardama, who was the king 
of the Vahli country, gave up Bahlika in favour of his son 
Sasavindu, and founded a new city Pratisthanapura in the 
Madhya-desa, where his other son Pururava Aila continued to 
rule. This links up the Ailas, the progenitor of the Kurus, with 
the Kardama royal family of Bahli. H.C. Raychaudhuri 549 
suggests that Karddama, the name of the ruling family of 
Vahlika, was obtained from the river of that name in Persia, 
and thus infers that the home of the Karddama king is to 
be identified with Bahlika or Balkh in Iran. This view was 
earlier advocated by Roth 550 and Weber. 551 But Zimmer 552 
rightly shows that there is no need to assume any Iranian 
influence. 553 

We know Vahlika from the Puranic list of peoples. 554 The 
Account of fifty-six countries 555 is interesting as it mentions 
them with the Hunas, Kauravas, Gandharas and Vidarbhas 
among others. In the Saktisangama Tantra 556 Bahlika is 
described as famous for horses and situated to the east of 
Mahamlechha and beginning with Kamboja. B.C. Law on the 
basis of reference in the Mahabharata 557 places the Vahlikas 
in the neighbourhood of Gandhar and Kamboja. 558 

Katyayana (4th century B.C.) 559 mentions Bahlayana and 
derives it from the word Bahli, a country also mentioned in 
the ArthaSastra of Kautilya. 560 

The Vayu Purana, Siva Purana, Kavya-Mimarhsa of Rajase- 
khara and the Ramayana 561 place the Vahlika country in the 


northern division. 562 Bahlika is the name of a person in the 
Visnu-Purana. 563 The NatyaSastra 564 of Bharata says that 
Bahlikabhasa was spoken by the northern people (Udlcyas). 
A similar reference is also to be found in the Sahitya-darpana. 565 

In the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, 566 Bahlika is grouped 
with Strirajya, which occurs in the list of North- Western divi- 
sion. The peculiar custom in Bahlika of several young men 
being married to a single woman as in strlrajya (stnrdjye ca 

Bdhlike ), appears to be an outlandish custom prevailing 

in the regions to the west of India. 567 The Jayamangala comm- 
entary also says that Bahllka was in Uttarapatha. 568 

We find the word Vahlika occurring in the Amara-kosa in 
two ways : 

1. Bahlika 

2. Bahllka^ 

The Amarakosa shows that Bahlika was famous for horses, 
saffron and Ferula Asafoetida (hingu). 

The reference to saffron leads us to the filaments of saffron 
on the banks of Vanksu (oxus) where Raghu gave defeat to the 
Hunas as described in Kalidasa's Raghuvarhsa. 571 The reading 
Sindhu of the passage 572 is plainly a mistake for Vanksu which 
is corroborated by Kslrasvamin, the earliest commentator of 
Amara who clearly shows that the Bahlika country was border- 
ed on the Oxus. 573 

The Brhatsarhhita 574 places Bahllkas in the jurisdiction of 
the Sun. Ancient tradition connects the Bahlikas with the 
Dharstakas, a Ksatriya clan which occupied the Bahlika 
country. 575 We know that Bahliki was another name of Madrl, 
queen of the Madras. 576 

Buddha Prakash suggests that the Vedic school of the 
Bhallavins enshrined the memory of the Bahlikas; the modern 
sub-castes of the Barasarin sub-group of the khatrisBhalla and 
Behl represent the ancient Balhikas, and the Jat clans of Bhalar 
and Bhalerah, found in Multan, the Baloch tribe Bhalka, liv- 
ing in Sindh, Bahawalpur and Dera Ghazi Khan and the clan 
Bhallowana, found in Shahpur, are remnants of the far-flung 
Bahllka tribes. 577 There is a possibility of the Bahllkas migrat- 
ing from their original home Balkh to the Punjab. 578 

When Hieun Tsang visited Balkh, it was a centre of Buddh- 


ist faith, 579 but after the overthrow of the Sassanid kingdom by 
the Arabs, the ancient Bactria along with the adjoining territor- 
ies passed under the control of Khorasan, the seat of the 
Muftammadan power. 580 

23. Yaudheya (No. 1, L. 22) : 

The Yaudheyas are included among the tribes subjugated by 
Samudragupta. In his time, they seem to have occupied north- 
ern Rajputana and south-east Punjab, and their territory 
extended up to the confines of the Bahawalpur State where 
their name survives in the name of the tract called Johiyawar. 581 
Their earliest reference in the inscriptions is found in the 
Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman I (A.D. 150) 582 
which mentions the victory of Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman over 
the Yaudheyas who were 'proud of their heroism'. The Bijaya- 
gadh Inscription 583 which is a record of the Yaudheyas (in 
Brahmi characters of the second-third century A.D.) 584 connects 
them with Bharatpur State in Rajputana. It refers to one 
Maharaja Mahasenapati, the ruler of the Yaudheya-gana. 585 

Literally the word Yaudheya means 4 a warrior' which corr- 
esponds with the Ossadu of Arrian, the Sambastae of Diodorus 
and the Sambracae of Curtius, who made their submission to 
Alexander. 586 They were a powerful nation and their forces 
consisted of 60,000 foot, 6000 horse, and 500 chariots. 587 

We get three different versions about the origin of the 
Yaudheyas : 

(i) In the Mahabharata 588 it is stated that Yudhisthira 
married the daughter of the Saivya King Govasana 
named Devika and begot a son from her named 

Buddha Prakash 589 and M.K. Sharan, 590 on this basis, 
have been tempted to connect the Yaudheyas with 
Yudhisthira, the eldest of the Pandava brothers. D.K. 
Gupta questions the foundations of this theory on this 
solitary basis in the absence of a more solid or a posi- 
tive evidence; 591 but on the other hand he himself has 
indulged in connecting the Arjunayanas with the epic 
hero Arjuna. 592 

(ii) The Visnu-Purana gives a contrary view of the same 
story. It states that Yaudheyi was the queen of Yudhi- 
sthira from whom he had a son named Devaka 593 


(iii) The Harivamsa 594 and the Vayu Purana 595 state that 
King Uslnara of the Puru dynasty had five queens 
named Nrga or Mrga, KrmT, Nava, Darva and Drsad- 
vat! who gave birth to five sons named Nrga, (or Mrga), 
'Krmi, Nava, Suvrata and Sibi (or Sivi) respectively. 
Sibi was the lord of the Sibi people or of the city of 
Sivapura, while Nrga (or Mrga) was the ruler of the 
Yodheyas or of Yaudheyapura. The other three sons 
of Uslnara, viz., Nava, Krmi and Suvrata, were the 
lords respectively of Navarastra,KrmilapurI and Amba- 
sthapurl. 596 According to Pargiter, King Uslnara 
established the Yaudheyas, Ambasthas,Navarastra,and 
the city of Krmila, all on the eastern border of the 
Punjab; while his famous son Sivi Auslnara originated 
the Sivis or Sibis in Sivapura. 597 

It is very difficult to reject or accept the Puranic tradition 
without any further evidence. However, as regards their conne- 
ction with Uslnara, we may say that scholars are somewhat 
confused by differing versions by varied text with regard to the 
territory ruled over by him. 598 The Rgveda, the Jatakas as 
well as the accounts of Fahien and Hiuen Tsang connect the 
Usmaras with a region farther to the north-west in Swat Valley, 
a part of the ancient Mahajanapada of Gandhara; while the 
Aitareya Brahmana, the Kausltak! Upanisad and the Kathasa- 
ritsagara associate them to the region north of Haridwar near 
the source of Ganges at Kanakhala. 

It is possible that originally they were settled in the Swat 
Valley but by the passage of time, they migrated to other places 
as well. For example, we find that the Sibis were known to 
Alexander's followers, living between the Indus and the 
Akesines (Chenab). 599 

In the Mahabharata, 600 the Yaudheyas are described as 
having been defeated by Arjuna, along with the Malavas and 
Trigarttas^ In the Sabhaparvan, 6 i the Yaudheyas together 
with the Sibis and the Trigarttas are represented as having 
paid homage to Yudhisthira. In the Dronaparvan, 602 we find 
that an epithet 'Adrija' meaning 'mountain-born', is used for 
the Yaudheyas. 

The Yaudheyas were one of the republican tribes of the 



Punjab. Panini 603 includes them among the ayudhajivl samghas 
together with the Parsus who are considered to be Persians 
by Dr. Buddha Prakash. 604 Panini mentions the Yaudheyas in 
another Sutra also. 605 Kautilya also refers to the Yaudheya as 
a warrior clan of the Punjab. 606 

The Brhatsamhita 607 places them in the northern division of 
India and describes them as being in the region of Brhaspati. 608 

In the Sahityadarpana of Visvanatha, they are described as 
interested in gambling (dlvyatam) and speaking the Southern 
Vaidarbhi. 609 

Yaudheya coins have been found all over the area from 
Saharanpur to Multan. In the Ludhiana district have been 
unearthed their votive tablets. A rich find of their coin-moulds 
was brought to light by B. Sahni at Khokrakot near Rohtak 
where there seems to have existed a regular mint. 610 Their 
new currency 611 depicting their tutelary deity Karttikeya which 
replaced the Kusana currency in these regions, shows that 
they played a leading part in the extermination of Saka rule 
in India. 612 The findings of the Yaudheya coins in large num- 
ber at Saharanpur, Dehradoon, Delhi, Rohtak and Kangra 
attest the fact that they had driven out the Kusanas from these 
areas and had re-established themselves firmly, in the 3rd-4th 
century A.D. 613 

One of their seals, bearing the legend "Yaudheyandm jayam- 
antradharanam" 614 shews that they were held in high esteem 
among the warrior-clans of the Punjab . Some scholars seem 
to be confused about its interpretation. Shobha Mukerji 615 
opines that their coins were issued in the name of the gana as 
well as the Mantra-dharas. M.K. Sharan 616 explains the word 
" Mantradhara" to mean the members of the Executive Com- 
mittee "those vested with the policy of the state". He is of the 
opinion that one set of the Yaudheya coins is struck in the 
name of the "Mantradharas"and the "Gana", while the other 
set is struck simply in the name of Gana. 617 He seems to have 
wrongly substituted the reading "Mantradhara" for "Mantra- 
dhara". He has been arbitrary in separating "Jaya" from 
Mantradhardnam" Gl8 which forms a compound by the combi- 
nation of the two words. Further he rejects the view of some 
historians who consider the word " Mantradharanam" to mean 


'those who were in possession of Victory Charm'. But he 
contradicts himself at another place while explaining a seal 619 
found at Naurangabad with the remarks : "This seal indicates 
the bravery of the tribe and that they were never defeated as 
they had adopted the title of 'srwaTO:' ". 

Actually the expression may mean 'the Yaudheyas who 
knew the secret of victory'. It is symbolic of their victory and 
pride that they never got defeated. 

Another word which has raised some controversy among 
the scholars is "Darma" found on some of the Yaudheya coins. 
Some scholars take it to mean Dharma while others take it for 
'Dama' or 'Darmtf to be a Sanskritised form of Greek 
"Z)rac/zma". 620 Again some controversy arose whether it was 
a Copper one or of silver. 621 The word l Damma > or l Drammd > 
has been used for a gold coin. 622 It may be remarked that the 
word borrowed from some foreign language may not strictly 
be used in the original sense and hence it may simply mean 
coin. 623 The Kusanas had introduced gold-coins which were 
later on adopted by the Guptas. But the Yaudheyas seem to 
have never adopted the gold currency since so far we have found 
no gold coin belonging to them. This may speak of their weaker 
economic condition ; surely they could not compare with 
powerful monarchies. On some of the Yaudheya coins, we have 
the mysterious words, "dvi" (two) and k< /n" (three) after the 
legend "Yaudheyaganasyajayah" which may point out their 
making a confederation with other tribes, viz., the Arjunayanas 
and the Kunindas. 624 They seem to have controlled the area 
lying on the banks of the river Sutlej up to the borders of the 
Bahawalpur State which is still called Johiyawar. The word 
'Johiya 9 is apparently an abbreviation of 'Jodhiya', which is the 
Sanskrit Yaudheya. 625 Cunningham, however, takes the words 
*dvi 9 and 'tri 9 of the above-mentioned coins to signify 'the 
money of the second and third tribes of the Yaudheyas'. 626 

M.K. Sharan 627 has enlisted about twenty-four types and 
Symbols on the coins of the Yaudheyas which may point to 
their religious leanings as well bear out some aspects of their 
social life. They are as follows : 

1. Bull 

2. Elephant 


3. Deer 

4. Peacock 

5. Tree-in-railing 

6. Human figure standing (warrior) 

7. LaksmI 

8. Cobra 

9. Scythic-like object(Yupa) 
TO. Stupa 

11. Trisula 

12. Nandipada 

13. Shell 

14. Svastika 

15. Vase or Mangala Kalasa 

16. Tribal sign or Ujjayini Symbol 

17. Two V with a line in between probably representing 

two hooded snakes 

18. Triangular-headed symbol or more probably a Yupa 

19. Zig-Zag line depicting snake or river 

20. Circles with dots around, probably representing the sun 
.21. Curved object within railing, probably a representation 

of the Yupa 

22. Hill so-called Caitya 

23. Six-headed Sasth! or Krttika 628 
.24. Siva. 


We have discussed the following names of the tribes : 
J Abhlra 

2. Arjunayanas 

3. Atavikas 

4. Daivaputra 

5. Huna 

6. Kakas 

7. Kharaparikas 

8. Kotas 

9. Kurus 

10. Licchavis 

1 1 . Madrakas 

12. Malava 

13. Mleccha 

14. Murundas 

15. Prarjunas 

16. Pusyamitras 

17. Sahanusahi 

18. Sahi 

19. Saimhalaka 

20. Saka 

21. SanakanTka 

22. Vahllka 

23. Yaudheya 

Among these the Abhlra, Arjunayanas, Atavikas, Kakas, 
Kharaparikas, Kotas, Kurus, Licchavis, Madrakas, Malava, 
Prarjunas, Pusyamitras, Sanakamkas and Yaudheyas are the 
indigenous tribes while the Daivaputra, Huna, Mleccha, 
Murundas, Sahanusahi, Sahi, Saimhalaka, Saka, and Vahllka 
represent the foreign stock. 

We have seen how some of these tribes migrated to places 
other than their original settlements and gave their names to 



the janapadas they settled. They replaced the old Vedic tribes 
in Punjab and Rajasthan though some of them are deemed as 
offshoots of the main tribe. The Prarjunas, Sanakamkas, 
Kakas and Kharaparikas may be later tribes since they find 
hardly any mention in the ancient texts. The Madrakas who 
were a branch of the Salvas (who had a totemic origin) and 
the Licchavis who had legendary origin as a result of an 
incestuous union between brother and sister may even be pre- 
dated to Aryan way of life, indicating the period of totemic 
worship and when there was no conscious taboo on incest. 
About the foreign tribes mentioned above we find that the 
Sakas influenced India so much that the Purana-writers included 
Saka-dvlpa in the Bhuvanakosa section. There are probabilities 
of the Huna and Vahllka settlements in the Punjab and some 
territories known after them. The title Sahi was supplanted by 
the Hunas and Turks in their administrative systems. After the 
Aryans migrated to the east, the lands in the North-West were 
looked at with contempt, by the easterners and were labelled 
as the Mleccha lands. The term Mleccha was generally used 
for the foreigners who did not'come under the pale of Aryandom. 
Hence the people in the North-West who came under foreign 
influence and were liberalized in their outlook, were also 
terms as the Mlecchas. Thus we find that the process of 
political and the ethnic transformation continued. 

Not only that we find that the majority of the above- 
mentioned tribes were Aryanized, some under the Vratya 
variety while others under the Vrsala system. The Hunas and 
the Sakas were admitted to the Ksatriya stock while the Saka- 
brahmanas known as the Magas were brahmanised. Many pre- 
Aryan names were Sanskritized but some names retained their 
old forms; the names like the Licchavis, Abhlra, etc., cannot 
be explained through the root and suffix of Aryan language. 62 ^ 

Thus we see that the ethnic, geographical and cultural 
factors differentiated one tribe from the other. The use of the 
terms Arya, Anarya, Mleccha, Vratya and Vrsala prove it 
beyond doubt. But there was interaction among these tribes 
and the tribes which interacted later survived as castes. Most 
of these tribes represented the Little Tradition and were 
absorbed into the Great Tradition. Some of their cults and their 



gods became a part of the main-stream of the Aryan society. 

The Linguistic Survey of India has shown a survival of 
India's janapadas through the long periods of time. The areas 
of Indian dialects and languages as they are found today 
correspond, in a striking manner, to the ancient or medieval 
janapadas or janapada-samghatas (federations of Janapadas). 
Even the Janapadas of the maha- Janapadas of the sixth century 
B.C. comprised small areas. 'The ancients were not great 
conquerors' declared Bana, an author of the seventh century 
A.D., 'for in a small area of land, they had number of kings'. 630 
By the close of the Gupta period, however, the Janapadas 
had grown sufficiently in size, and in the middle ages they 
came to be almost what we find them today. 631 

It may also be conceded that the gana states of the 
Yaudheyas, Malavas and Licchavis were not democracies or 
republics in the sense in which we understand these words 
today. Supreme and ultimate power did not lie vested in the 
whole body of adult citizens. We can still describe these states 
as republics. Standard works and authorities on the political 
science define republic as a state, where the sovereign power 
vests, not in a single person as in monarchy, but in a group or 
college of persons, more or less numerous. Oligarchies, aristo- 
cracies, and democracies have all been labelled as republics. 682 

In any case modern India may take legitimate pride in the 
fact that, though she may not have had democracies in the 
modern sense, government by discussion was by no means 
unknown in her ancient civilization. 633 

Finally we may say that Samudragupta did not destroy the 
Malavas, Arjunayanas, the Yaudheyas and the Madras to 
extinction; they had become tributary but retained their internal 
autonomy. Their territories were never directly administered 
by the Guptas, and so their republican institutions could not 
have been much affected. 


1. Satapatha Brahmana, I, 4, I, 10 to 17; 

S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. Introduction p. xiv; 
A. Ghosh, Vz. p. 33. 

2. Aftadhyayl, 1/2/52 and 1/2/55. 


3. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 118. 

4. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 36, Thirteenth Rock Edict, LL. 9-10. 

5. Ibid., p. 17, Second Rock Edict. 

6. Astadhyayl, 4/1/168 to 4/1/178. 

7. K.P. Jayaswal, Ux. (edn. 1924) p. 156. 

8. Romila Thapar, C. p. 50. 

9. Ibid., p. 51. 

10. Shobha Mukerji, Lg. p. 132; 

Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Cx. (edn. 1922) p. 257. 

11. Arthasastra : XI. 1. 160 

12. Ibid., XI.l. 160-61. 

13. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 97. 

14. Aitareya Brahmana, VII. 3.14; A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972), 
p. 117. 

15. A.S. Altekar, op. cit., p. 125. 

16. Vx. pp. 422-23. 

17. V. 3. 114. 

18. Amarakosa, II/8/3-4; A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972), p. 114. 

19. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 109: 

I Avadanasataka, II, p. 103. 

20. Ibid.,(Kz) 2 , pp. 109-111. 

21. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p.23, note 7. 

22. Ibid., Ly. p. 2. 

23. Ahlra being the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word Abhira. 

24. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 79. 

25. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 195, 305. 

26. Govinda 'Lord of Herdsman' which literally in Sanskrit means 
'cow-finder'. It seems to be a Prakrit word whose correct Sanskrit 
equivalent should be 'Gopendra'. 

27. IX, 37. 1. 

28. Qy. pp. 136, 139-40. 

29. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 25-26; 
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 80-81. 

30. 1.2.3. 

31. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 50-51. 

32. Kamasutra (ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna), pp. 289, 308; 
S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 45, note 14. 

33. Chap. 57, Vs. 35-48; chap. 58, v. 22. 

34. Chap. 45, 126. 

35. XVI, p. 135, v. 31. 

36. GJ. IX, p. 279. 

37. V. I., 247. 

38. GJ. XXV, p. 203. 

39. Sahitya-Darpana (ed.) Satya]Vrat Singh, p. 472, V. 163 : 


40. Kavyadarsa, 1.36 : srTWkTfrfiR: ^ucmsrsr f% *W: I 

41. JJ. Vol. XXVII, March 1951; 

"Observations on the sources of Apabhramsa stanzas of Hema- 
candra", p. 19. 

42. 2.6.13 

43. 2.9.57 

44. 2.2.50 

45. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 67. 

46. Ibid., p. 67, note 6. 

47. J.N. Bhattacharya, Tx. p. 297. 

48. Pargiter, Kg., pp. 2-3. 

49. Ibid., pp. 54-55. 

50. Mahabharata, XVI, 7.63. 

51. X.15. 

52. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 191-92: 
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 96-97. 

53. XIV, p. 120, v. 12. 

54. Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 119-20. 

55. For Anavas, see Ibid, pp. 21-22. 

56. 1.112,23; IV.26.1. 

57. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 93. 
S.B. Chaudhury, Jx. p. 92. 
B.C. Law, Tg. p. 95. 

58. Rgveda, VIII, 1.11; Yajurveda, X.21; Satapatha Brahmana, II, 1, 
2-11; V.4.3.7. 

59. Sten Konow, Dz. p. 115. 
Dx. Introduction, p. 61. 

60. Mahabharata, Virataparvan, IV. 39.18 : 

ST: i 

61. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 95. 

62. Buddha Prakash, Studies in Indian History and Civilisation pp. 248- 

63. Buddha Prakash, 'Central Asia, the Crucible of Cultures' SJ. Vol. 
XV (1956), p. 54. 

64. A part of which has been published and translated by F.W.K. 

65. Buddha Prakash; (Zy.) 1 P- 94. 

66. Ibid. 

67. Panini, IV. 3.98. 

V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 341. 

68. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 93. 

69. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 30. 

70. R.C. Majumdar, L. p. 105. 

71. XIV, p. 122, v. 25. 

72. Brhatsamhita, XVI, p. 133, v. 22. 



73. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 25. 

74. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (5th edn.), p. 545. 

75. V.A. Smith, X. p. 160. 

76. No. 1, L. 21 : tfrsrR^^-^fef^-TF^: 

we find the use of f^r suffix which shows that he made 


them to become his servants who were not his servants. 
77. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 395, L. 8 : 

78. Ibid., p. 395, note 3. 

79. G.T. XXXVIII, p. 331 

80. Sabhaparvan, XXX, 1176. 

81. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 383. 

82. D.D. Kosambi, (Xz) 1 , (edn. 1975), p. 151. 

83. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 21. 

84. Brhat-Samhita, XIV, p. 122, Vs. 29, 30. 

85. Cf. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . p. 13, note 7. 

86. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 59. 

87. See the Appendix No. IV. 

88. It has been used by Kaniska, Vasiska, Huviska, and Kanisjca II 
in their epigraphic records; See D.C. Sircar, Hz. For Kaniska pp. 138- 
39, 144-45; For Vasiska pp. 149-50; For Huvika pp. 152-53, 157; For 
Kaniska II p. 154. 

89. F.W. Thomas,?. Part II. p. 305; Cf. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27. 

90. A.K. Narain, Fg.,p. 50. 

91. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 305. 

92. Nos. 422, 500, 572, Vide : Py. pp. 112-113. 

93. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 305 : 

In Homer the kings are 'Zeus-born', the title god was born by 
Ptolemy, VI, in 164-146 B.C., as also by a Parthian Arsakes on the 
Indian border; earlier Parthian kings (Mithradates II, Mithradates III, 
Phreates II and III) bore the title 'god-fathered'. In India every king was 

94. Rgveda, X, 62.4. 

95. Cf. JJ. I, p. 259 : The whole expression Daivaputra-sahisahanusahi 
corresponds with the full royal insignia 'Daivaputra-maharaja-rajatiraja' 
of the later Greek Kusanas 

96. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, pp. 307-19. 
Cf. Manu, VII. 3. 

97. Ibid., p. 307. 

98. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 138-57. 

99. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 311. Candana in connection with 
Kaniska denotes Chen-t'an clna-sthana, i.e. Chinese Turkestan. 

100. Ibid., p. 312: For the inscription, see UJ. 1914, pp. 973-7; Konow, 
Dx. pp. 70-77. 

101. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 313. 

102. Maharaja-Kanika-lekh, v. 47. 



103. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 310. 

104. Fz. p. 256 : Karna as the son of god Surya; 
Ibid., p. 758; Bhlma as the son of god Vayu; 

Ibid., p. 855; Yudhisthira as the son of god Dharma or Yama; 
Ibid., p. 1288 : Hanuman as the son of Pavana or Maruta, 'the 

105. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 16-33. 

106. No. 54, L. 2 : Devaputravat one having divine sons (disciples); 
D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 331. 

107. No. 13, L. 15 : 

108. R.B. Pandey, Wx. p. 101, f.n. 3. 

109. Uigur transcriptions of Chinese, Chinese terms from J.J.M.De 
Groot 'Die Hunnen der vorchristlichen Zeit' (Berlin, Leipzig, 1921), Vol. I, 
pp. Iff. 

110. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 155, f.n.l. 

111. Ibid., pp. 155-56 

112. Ibid., p. 156. 

113. Ibid. 

114. "Huns and Hsiung-nu", Byzantion 17 (1944-45), pp. 222-243 

115. Ibid., p. 224. 

116. La haute Asie (1931), p. 6. 

117. Oriens 1 (1948), pp, 208-219. 

118. In Der Islam 29 (1949), pp. 244-246. 

119. See Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 156-57. 

120. Jarl Charpentier, "The original Home of the Indo-Europeans", 
EJ. Vol. IV, 1926-28, p. 165. 

121. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 194. 

122. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 101. 

123. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p.194. 

124. (Dx) 1 , p. 158. 

125. Ibid., p. 161. 

126. LJ. LXIII. 186; JJ. XII, 531. 

127. G.I. I. 239. 

128. NJ. XIV, 28ff. 

129. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 136. 

130. NJ. XVIII, 203. 

131. HJ. XV, 245. 

132. J.T. XII, 532. 

133. Wz. p. 59. 

134. Upendra Thakur, Dg. Foreword, p.v. 

135. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 197; l.Qz. p. 58. 

136. (Dx^pp. 142 if. 

137. Ibid : q" *TSRTT T^T^N 

138. Ibid., pp! 146-147, L. 6. 

139. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. 196 : 
V. pp. 549-50; 

B.C. Law, Tg. p. 58. 



140. Ibid., Pg. p. 199. 

141. Ibid., pp. 184-85. 

142. B.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 24, 36-37, 38. 

143. Raghuvamsa, IV. 68. 

144. Ibid : 



145. Brhatsamhita, XVI. v. 38, p. 136. 

146. Ibid., XIV. v. 27, p. 122. 

147. Upendra Thakur, Dg. p.46. 

148. Ibid., See Foreword by D.C. Sircar, pp. v-viii. 

149. VI. 9.64. 

150. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 356. 

151. UJ. 1897, pp. 892-9. 

152. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 356, note 4. 

153. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 26. 
R.S. Tripathi, Zx. p. 245. 

154. JJ. I, p. 258. 

155. GJ. XII, p. 46, v.5. 

156. Fz. p. 337, col. 3. 

157. LVIII, 47. 

158. A variant reading is ' SvarasagararasV '. 

159. CXXI, 56. 

160. B.C. Law, Tg. p.356. 

161. K.P. Jayaswal, Ux. (edn. 1924), p. 156. 

162. No. 1, L. 14 : 

163. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 14. 

164. E. 'The Kaumudlmahotsava as a Historical Play', p. 120. 

165. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 139-40. 

166. Ibid, p. 140; S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 140-141; NJ. pp. 113, 119. 

167. Fleet, (DX) 1 , p. 5. 

168. Ibid., p. 12; also see Pataliputra in the place-names. 

169. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 140. 

170. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 93. 

171. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p.260, note 4. 

172. No. 22, L. 7 : ^ StRTTt *RW f^Tt ^fcm-^n^ sr^T: I 

173. B.C. Law, Tg. p.18. , 

174. Rgveda, X, 33, 4. It may also mean 'the hearer of (the praises of) 
the Kurus'. 

175. Ibid, VIII, 3.21. 

176. XX, 127, 7; Khil. V. 10. 

177. XIII, 5, 4. 

178. Buddha, pp. 403-404. 

179. Vg. Vol. I, p. 167. 

180. Ill, 23. 

181. Vg. Vol. I, p. 167. 


182. Ibid., pp. 165-66. 

183. VIII, 14. 

184. Vg. Vol. I, p. 168. 

185. Satapatha Brahmana, III, 2, 3, 15. 

186. Vg. Vol. I, p. 168; 

S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 35; 
V. Vol. I, p. 47. 

187. VIII. 14. 

188. VIII. 23. 

189. Vg. Vol. I, p. 84; 

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 101, 102. 

190. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 21-22. See the reference to Kurudlpa, 
Dipavamsa, p. 16; and the statement in the Sasanavamsa, p. 12, that the 
place of the inhabitants of Uttaradipa is called the kingdom of Kurus 

191. Shama Shastri's Translation of Arthasastra, p. 455. 

192. Ibid., I, p. 29. 

193. Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 30-31. 

194. Ibid, p. 31, notes 2, 3. 

Alfred Liidwig first interpreted Kuril as 'red' and later as 'brown'. 

195. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 129; Pathak takes the word dauhitra 
in the technical sense of Putrikd-putra who was called dvamusyayana, 
i.e., a person having dual parentage and possessing dual hereditary rights 
of both the natural father and the maternal grandfather. (TJ. XIX pt. II, 
pp. 140-41); See also S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 90-91, note 2. 

196. Fleet, (Dx) 1 Introduction, pp. 134-36. 

197. No. I, L. 22. 

198. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 130. 

199. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 332. 

200. Ibid., p. 315 ; 

Gx. p. 295 Smith holds that Candragupta, a local Raja at or near 
Pataliputra, married Kumaradevl, a princess belonging to the Licchavi 
clan, in or about the year 308. 

201. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-12; 
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 295-96 : 

Medhatithi and Govindaraja, the two earliest commentators of the 
Manu-smrti ? read Licchavi and this reading tallies exactly with the name 
as given by Kautilya. Therefore, this form represents the earliest spelling 
of this word in the Brahmanical is only Kulluka 
Bhatta, the Bengali Commentator of the fifteenth century, who reads 
Nicchivi in a verse of Manu (X.22). This was due to a confusion between 
'/a' and 'net of the fifteenth century in the Bengali language. Moreover, 
these letters are frequently inter-changed in our tongues as we know 
from our common experience. 

202. Kautilya Arthasastra,'ed. R. Shama Shastri, p. 455. 
The Sanskrit Text has.- 



The 'ka' at the end of Licchavi, etc. is adjectival. 

203. Ibid. 

204. 'Notes on the Vajji Country and the Mallas of Pava' NJ. Vol. 
VI, Pt. II, June 1920, pp. 259 ff. 

205. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 295, note 4. 

206. Rhys Davids, T. pp. 25-26, 40; 
Chaudhuri, Jx pp. 164-65. 

207. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 101. 

208. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112. 

209. B.C. Gokhale, Ez. pp.27-28; B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 299-300. 

210. B.G. Gokhale, Fz. pp. 27-28. 

211. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112. 

212. Beal, Gg. Introduction, p. XXII. 

213. Ibid, f.n. 1. 

214. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 302-4. 

215. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112. 

216. HJ. Vol. XXXVII, 19.8, p.79. 

217. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112; 
Law, Tg. pp. 303-4. 

218. Ibid., f.n. 2; B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 297-98. 

219. B.D. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 27-28' 

220. Manu, X. 22. 

221. Ibid., 20. 

222. According to Buhler: the Manusmrti was compiled at some time 
between 200 B.C. and A.D. 200 (Buhler, Manu, Introduction, p. CCVII). 

223. B.C. Law. Tg. pp. 301-2. 

224. B.G. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 27-28. 

225. A.C. Banerjea, Nz.' 'The Vratya Problem", pp. 81-171. 

226. Ibid., pp. 88-89. 

227. Ibid., pp. 96-97. 

228. HJ. Vol. XXXVII, p. 79; 

Fleet, (Dx) 1 Introduction, p. 135. 

229. Ch. 34, Kanda 7, verse 25. 

230. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 298-99. 
Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-12. 

231. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 91, 115; Pargiter, M. p. 264. 

232. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 111. 

233. 11.52. 1870. 

234. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4. 

235. Mahabharata, I. 121. 4695. 

236. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4. 

237. =ET^TT^TT 11,4,103: 


Buddha Prakash connects Yugandhara with modern Jagadhari in 

Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 110. 


238. J. Przyluski, 'Les Salvasa' Journal Asiatique (1929), pp. 312-325. 

239. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4. 

240. XIV, 2, p. 119; XIV, 27, p. 122. 

241. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 107. 

242. See Ibid., p. 112; 

Also See N.L. De in JJ. II, 131, who connects them with Media or 
'mad'and its division Azerbijan which resolves into Airya'ia-vija (Aryan 
seed) from its Avestan name Aryavaijam. 

243. B.C. Law, Tg. p.54. Also see H.C. Ray, LJ. (New Series, Vol. 
XVIII, 1922, No. 4). 

244. Vg. II., p. 123. 

245. Altindisches Leben, p. 102. 

246. 111,7, 1. 

247. BrhadaranyakaUpanisad, III. 3, 1; 7, 1. 

248. VIII, 14.3 

249. Altindisches Leben, p. 102. 

250. Vg. II, p. 123. 

251. VII, 3, 13. 

252. Brhatsamhita, 14.22 : 


253. Ibid., 14-27 (Vs.24-27) : Rcfr 


254. Ramayana (Griffith's translation), Additional Notes, p. 43. 

255. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 55. 

256. Smith, Gx. p. 302. 

257. V. pp. 549-50. 

258. Cunningham, Sz. p. 185 ; see also Ibid., pp. 5-6. 

259. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 116. 

260. Mahabharata, VIII, 44.17 : 


261. Cunningham, Sz. p. 180. 

262. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 115 ; 
Milinda Panho, pp. 1, 2. 

263. Ibid. 

264. In the Sutra, IV.2.75. 

265. 11.32 : ^T; STT^H 1 *^ ^sJTw|j ^^g^HT I 

266. Kalingabodhi Jataka (Fausboll),No. 479; 

Kusa Jataka (Fausboll) No. 531, vide Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 
p. 114. 

267. Mahabharata, I, 1229, ff. vide Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 113, 
f.n. 116. 

268. Mahabharata, Udyogaparvan, chaps. 8 and 19 ; Dronaparvan, 
chap. 103 ; Bhlsmaparvan , chaps. 51, 105-6 ; Karnaparvan, chaps. 



5-6, Vide B. C. Law, Tg. p. 58. 

269. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 54. 

270. 2, 3, 17. 

271. 114,41. 

272. Ibid., 208, 5. 

273. Shama Shastri (ed.), p. 455. 

274. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 57. 

275. See Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 pp. 112-113. 

276. Ibid., f. n. 2, pp. 56-57. 

277. Adiparvan, chap. 113 ; (Zy.) 1 f.n. 4, p. 113, f. n. 116. 

278. N. L. Dey, NX. p. 49. 

279. II. 294. 

280. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 117. 

281. Patafijali, II, 298 ; IJ. VI.128-36. Patanaprastha is the same as 
Paithan or Pathankot situated at the entrance of the Kangra valley. 
Vide, Ibid, f. n. 1, p. 117, f. n. 7. 

282. Mahabharata, XII, 65. 

283. Ibid., 207 ; Robert Shafer ; Kx. p. 143. 

284. Mahabharata, VIII. 40.21 ff. 

285. Ibid., VIII.40.28. 

286. Ibid., 40.28, 41 : ^fr IT T tf^T* *?$* *nTR% I 

287. VIU.1531, RajataranginI II, p. 120. Also see" H. C. Ray in LJ. 
XVIII, 1922, p. 257. 

288. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 pp. 113-14. 

289. Mahabharata, Vanaparvan, chaps. 291-8, pp. 509-23, Maharaja 
of Burdwan's Edition. 

290. Mahabharata, IV. 8, 3-4. 

: 5TTT 

291. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 116. 

292. No. I, L. 17 : 

293. U.I. 1915, pp. 138-40. (Dx.) 1 p. 87. 

294. Fleet, (Dx.) 1 Introduction, pp. 65-68. 

295. UJ. 1914, p. 414. 

296. Ibid., p. 747. 

297. GJ. Vol. XXVII, p. 15 ff : 

298. Cf. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 144 ; Shafer takes Malava literally 

the sense of 'horse-keeper'. 

299. GJ. Vol. 27, No. 4, p. 16, L. 11 : 


"When five hundred and twenty four years, announcing the fame 
of the race of the Malavas, as pure as the rays of autumnal moon, had 
elapsed one after another." 

300. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 111. 

301. Brhatsarhhita, XIV. v.27, p. 122 : 

It is possible that Madras and Malavas were sons from different wives 
of the same king. Later on the kingdom might have been divided in 
between them. So they were living adjacently but became indepen- 
dent people. 

302. D. C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 265-66, note 4. 

303. R. C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 142. 

304. Ibid., 

305. D. C. Sircar, Hz. p. 169, note 6 ; 
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 60-61. 

306. Ibid., p. 91, note 6 ; HJ. Vol. XX, p. 404. 

307. Law, Tg. p. 62. 

308. Buddha Prakash. (Zy) 1 , p. 111. 

309. Ibid. f. n. 1, p. 65. 

310. Agrawala, Jy. p. 455. 

M. R. Singh, MX. pp. 369-70. 

311. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 60; M. R. Singh, MX. p. 370 : In the Maha- 
bharata, the name Ksudraka-Malava occurs in a single appellation for 
more than half a dozen times. 

312. IV.1.68. 

313. Dronaparvan, chap. 10, p. 17. 

314. Sabhaparvan, chap. 32, p. 7. 

315. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 62. 

316. CJ. Vol. VI, 1871-3, pp. 72 ff. as quoted by Law. 

317. R. K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 24-25 ; 
GJ. Vol. VIII, p. 44. 

318. Bhagavata XII, 1, 36 ; Visnu, Bk. II, Chap. Ill ; Brahmanda, 
Chap. XIX, Sloka 17. 

319. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 144 ; Pargiter, Kg. pp. 54-55. 

320. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 111. 

321. The Ramayana (Kisk. Kanda, Canto XLII). See Law, Tg. 
p. 63, f. n. 2. 

322. Vanga Lauhityat purvena/ ...... /Avantika Ujjayini desa bhavah/ 

ta evapara Malavyah. 

323. He places Vanga to the east of the Lauhitya, 

324. JJ. XIX 'Yadavaprakasa' on the Ancient Geography of India, 
p. 222 : Kavyamlmamsa, ed. T. G. Sastri, p. 9. 

325. Mookerji, Ag. p. 25 ; Also see Hz. p. 91, note 6 : Tg. p. 64 for 
Western and Eastern Malava. 

326. M. R. Singh, MX. p. 371 ; GJ. V. p. 299. 

327. Law, Tg. p. 64. 



328. M.K. Sharan, Sg. p. 174. For Malava Coins : See D. C. Sircar, 
Mz. pp. 204-208 and M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 181-214. 

329. Law, Tg. p. 64. 

330. Ibid., p. 65. 

331. Ibid. 

332. D. C. Sircar, Hz. p. 309, f. n. 3. 

333. R. C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 163. 

334. D. C. Sircar, Ly. p. 203: 

Cf. Upendra Thakur, Pg. pp. 65-70. 

335. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 12, f. n. 1. 

336. Ibid. p. 23. 

337. Fz. p. 837, col. 3. 

338. i-i 

II. 53-8. qr 

339. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 24. 

340. Vg. Vol. II, p. 181. 

341. iii, 2, 1.24. 

342. iii, 2.1.23. 

343. Weber, My. 180; Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 179, 180, 196. 

344. F.E. Pargiter, M. p. 235. 

345. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 132, HJ. XX.p. 374. 

346. VI. 9.65. 

347. Mahabharata (Gita Press) Karna Parva, 45/25 : 


348. Ibid., 40/42-43. 

r: fa^frftrr snf 

i 142U 

349. Ibib., 45/36-37. 

350. II. 32.16; II. 34.10 : 

351. Mahabharata (edn. by M.M. Haridas Siddhantabagis, Calcutta), 
VII, 80, 42, cf. 1, 72, 15, 15; (Bangavasi edn.) VI, 9, 65. 

352. 7/149: 


See Burnell's Translation p. 166 note 7. Mlecchas literally 

353. Manu-smrti (ed. Haragovind Sastri) 3/9. p. 101. 

354. Ibid., 10-45. 

355. B.C. Sircar, Oz. (edn. 1971) p .67. 



356. Ibid., p. 277; Varaha Purana 140/4-5 

357. 2/10/20 ; $<fT: frTm^Tsfar^T ^fcMT 

358. XIV, 21: 


359. XVI, II. 

360. Ibid., 35. 

361. S. Beal, Gg. p. 57. 

362. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 133. 

363. C.H. Tawney's English Translation, I, p. 151. 

364. Ibid., II, p. 564. 

365. VIII, 2762-64; XI, p. 217; Cf. Harivamsa, 11, 57, 20 

366. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 132-33. 

367. GJ. XVIII, p. 101, verse 4. 

368. GJ. XXV, p. 222, verse 18; GJ. XXVI, p. 92; GJ., XII. p. 200. 

369. Og. The Unadi Suffixes, p. 234 : 

<r /3/55 

370. B.C. Sircar, Oz. (edn. 1971), pp. 83-84. 

371. t^-TTf-TTTTf-^Wit^TTf^^- | 

372. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 94, note I. 

373. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , No. 28, L. 6, p. 127. 

374. Ibid., No. 29, L. 6 p. 131; No. 31, L. 6 p. 136. 

375. HJ. pp. 192, 257-60. 

Also See M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-10. 

376. R.K. Mooker ji, Ag. p. 28. 

377. GJ. XIV, 292. 

378. J. Allan, Z. p. XXIX. 

379. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 136, note, 2. 

380. NJ. XVIII, p. 210. 

381. IV, 26. Lampakastu Marundah syuh. 

382. The V aijayantl of Yadavaprakas'a, ed. by Gustav Oppert, p. 37, 
V. 25. 

383. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 93 

384. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 26. 

385. Kavyamlmamsa, 94. See Yadavaprakasa on the Ancient Geography 
of India, JJ. XIX, p. 214. 

386. Prakrit and Non-Aryan strata in the Vocabulary of Sanskrit, Kz. 
pp. 65-71 : Prof. Woolner provides us with a large number of words of 
non-Aryan origin. 

387. Me. Crindle, Qy. pp. 215-6. 
See Law, Tg. p. 93. 

388. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 93. 

389. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-110. 



390. We know of a town named Morinda in Punjab which has some 
resemblance with the word Murunda and it may point out that the 
Murundas sometimes resided there. 

391. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-10. 

392. UJ. 1897, p. 892. 

393. JJ. Vol. 1, p. 288. 

394. Law, Tg. p. 95. 

395. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 93. 

396. R. Shamasastri, Kautilya Arthasastra, III, 72, p. 194. 

397. No. 13. 

398. No. 13, LL. 10-11 : 


399. I. p. 45 ; (Dx) 1 , p. 55, note 2). 

Fleet certifies the reading Pusyamitra, which is the correct form 
.according to Prof. Weber also (Sanskrit Literature, p. 223, n. 237). 
Jagannath in his article 'The Pusyamitras of Bhitari Pillar Inscription' 
JJ. Vol. 22, No. 4, Dec. 1946, p. 112, writes : 

"I have myself examined the inscription on the original stone, and 
in my opinion while the first syllable may be l pu* or ';>K', the next 
syllable cannot be 'dhya'. 

Over the subscript >' there are clear traces of a square form. It is not 
cylindrical, in shape, as would be the form of 'dh*. It can only be '/?' or 
V. But as '/>' makes an impossible word 'pupya' the choice is evidently 
restricted to V and we get 'pusycf. Mr. Divekar's suggestion is thus 
disposed of. 

We also know of the early king Pusyamitra Sunga, a brahmana, 
.general of Brhadratha the Mauryan king who was a contemporary of 
Patafijali (Fleet, (Dx) 1 p. 55, note 2) which bears out the Prakrit form 
'Pusamitta' in the passages given by Dr. Biihler from the Prakrit Gathas 
<HJ. Vol. II, p. 362 f). 

400. HJ. 1889, p. 228. 

401. Gx. p. 326. 

402. UJ. 1909, p. 126. 

403. I. p. 46. 

404. JJ. XXL, p. 24f. 

405. Ibid., XXII, No. 4, Dec. 1946, p. 113. 

406. Ibid., Jagannath, pp. 113-115. 

407. No. 13, L. 15 : phfcr SWTW^ *m* Zfrtf tJTT ^f*TcTT I 

408. UJ. 1909, p. 126, previously he held that Bhajarka had beaten 
fcack Toramana, LJ. 1889, pp. 97-98. 

409. IJ., V. p. 407 ff. 

410. Wilson's translation of the Vis.nupurana, Vol. IV, pp. 212-13. 

411. Ibid., p. 215. 

412. JJ. xxn, pp. 115-116 : <$mfrm 

'T c rT:^r'<r 


413. HJ. 1889, p. 228. 

414. T.I. VolV, pp. 135ff. 

415. JJ. Vol. XXII, No. 4, Dec.1946, p. 117, "The Pusyamitras of 
the Bhitari Pillar Inscription". 

416. See the Appendix No. IV. 

417. IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85; Majumdar, Pg. pp. 17-18. 

418. Buddha Prakash, IJ. Vol. XIII, The Political Geography of 
India on the eve of Gupta Ascendency', p. 85; 

Ghirshman, Ny. p. 296. 

419. Xz. p. 1096. 

420. R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 290. 

421. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 179. 

422. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 17. It is evident that the whole of Persia 
was not under Sassanian rule; 

R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 289 : Sassanians, claim themselves to be 
the descendants of the Achaemenians (one of the original Persian tribes 
from the province of Pars) but the fact has not been proved beyond 
doubt. It may be noted that before the Sassanians the Parthians were 
ruling over Iran. 

423. SeeSahi. 

424. IJ. Vol. XIII, pp. 85, 90; R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 296: We know of 
the marriage of Hormizd II, son and successor of Narsah (A.D. 303-9) 
with a Kusana princess. 

425. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 19. 

426. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 p. 245. 

427. D. Sharma, Fx. p. 198, f.n. 40. 

428. See the Appendix No. IV. 

429. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 177 : 'Sahi, who belonged to (the family of) 
the 'Devaputras'. 

430. T^pifl- , 4/60 qTTsfhFfar^ft tcf sr^ ?*H<^>T \ 

431. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 179. 

432. SasaSaha : We know that the Vedic Sanskrit and the old Persian 
(Avesta) were very nearer to each other and Sanskrit 'so? usually changed 
to 'Aa' in Avesta. 

433. V.S. Pathak, New Inscriptions from Ajayagadh, DJ. No. I,. 
1956-57, p. 48. 

434. B.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 266, f.n. 1. 

435. No. I, LL., 23-24 : 

436. Majumdar, Pg. p. 149. 

437. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 17-18, Second Rock Edict, LL. 2-3. 

438. Wz. p. 284. 

439. HJ. 1902, p. 194. 

440. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 150. 


441. Brhatsamhita, XIV, Vs. 11, 15, p. 12. 

442. J.C. Ghosh, BJ. XIX. 

443. V.H. Vader, JJ. II, 345-50. 

444. D.P. Mishra, Wj. Vol. I 'The Search for Lanka'. 

445. John David., BJ. XXI (1941), Parts. III-IV. 

446. JJ., Vol. XXVII, No. I, March 1951 'Lanka', pp. 120-26. 

447. Ibid., op. cit., p. 122. 

448. III. 47.29. 

449. VI. 3.21. 

450. XII. 66 : 

451. xil. 70 : 

452. III. I. 2.26 and ch. 7.52. 

453. Fd. by Tawney, I. p. 78, 486, II, p. 442. See also Karpura-Mafijarf, 
H.O.S., IV, p. 231. 

454. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, No. I, p. 120. 

455. III. 51.23. 

456. Walters, Vy. II, p. 233-36. 

457. IJ. II, 821. 

458. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, p. 126. 

459. HJ. XXII, 29. Cf. The Belava plate of Bhojavarman (v. 14). 

460. Ibid., XXII. 73, L. 36. 

461. GJ. IV, pp. 278 ff. v. 31. 

462. Ibid., XVIII. 52, Vs. 56-60. 

463. Ibid., XXV, 245. 

464. Ibid., XXI, 243, L. 7. 

465. Ibid., XX. 36. 

466. O.D.B. Priaulx, Eg. pp. 103 ff.; See Ug. by V.S. Agrawala, 
pp. 28-29. 

467. HJ. 1919, pp. 195-96. 

468. Qy. pp. 247ff. 

469. Ig. p. 250. 

470. Qy. p. 160, f.n. 1, 

471. Travels of Marco Polo, ed. by Yule, II, p. 312. 

472. Ibid., p. 314, f.n. 2 cf. Parasamudraka of Arthasastra, the name of 
a kind of pearl. 

473. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, p. 127. 

474. Sachau, J. Vol. I. p. 209. 

475. Fz, p. 1213, col. 3. 

476. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 103. 

477. (Dx) 1 , p. 14. 

478. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27; A.S. Altekar, Pg. pp. 62-63. 

479. Ibid., R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 147, GJ. XVI, p. 230 ; LJ. (N.S.) 
XIX, p. 337. 

480. Cf. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 59-60; Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , pp. 116-17. 

481. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 60. 

482. Ibid., p. 61. 



483. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 175ff. Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudra- 
daman I (Saka) year 72( A.D. 150). 

484. D.C. Sircar, Hz.[p. 62, f.n.l. 

485. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 64-65. 

486. R.fC. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27. 

487. Ibid., p. 64 ; A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65. 

488. P.L. Gupta, A.S. Altekar and A.K. Narain, TJ. xii, pt. II, 1950 ; 
S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 223-37. 

489. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65 ; Cf. S.R. Gopal, D. pp. 235-37; Sudhakar 
Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 82-84. 

490. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65. 

491. Fz. p. 1045, col. 3. 

492. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 210. 

493. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 224. 

494. Strabo, Ox. XV, III, 20. 

495. Budhha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 224. 

496. Mahabharata, VIII, 40, 25-28 ; VIII, 44,12,13. 

497. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 225. 

498. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 494. 

499. Manu, X.44. 

500. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 142. 

501. Fz. p. 1045, col. 3 ; S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 114 ; created from 
the tail of the cow Kamadhenuas told in many curious legends in the 

502. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , pp. 117-120. 

503. VI.2.125 mentions Kantha-ending place-names ; V.S. Agrawala, 
Jy. pp. 70-1. 

504. Sten Konow, Dx. Intro, p. 43 ; Dz. pp. 42, 149 ; Panini, IV.2.100 ; 
IV.2.103; II.4.20; VI.2.124 ; VI.2.125. Also see for details JJ. XXVII, 
Calcutta, March 1951: Some foreign words in ancient Sanskrit literature, 
pp. 7-13. 

505. Katyayana's Varttika on Panini, 1.1.64 : 

Also see for details : JJ. vol. XXVII, Calcutta, March, 1951: Some 
foreign words in ancient Sanskrit literature, pp. 8-9. 

506. Visnupurana, IV, 3; Vayupurana, ch. 88 ; Brahmandapurana, 
<ch. 63 ; M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 92-93. 

507. Mahdbharata, VI.75.21. 


508. Charaka-Samhita, 30.6. 

509. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 247. 

510. Ibid., p. 245. 

511. Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 91-100. 

512. Buddha Prakash, 'Thakura', Central Asiatic Journal, Vol.III 
<1957), published in Holland, pp. 220-237 ; Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, 


Mg. pp. 16-17. 

513. H.A. Rose, Px. p. 515. 

514. Dx. part I, Introduction, pp. 50-51. 

515. Buddha Prakash (Zy.) 1 , p. 245. 

516. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . p.24, note I; p. 25. 

517. No. I, LL. 22-23. 

518. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . pp.22-24. 

519. B.C. Law, Tg. p, 356. 

520. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 143. 

521. JJ. Vol. I, pp. 251-258; see also Majumdar, Pg. p. 141, f.n.2; p.132 
f.n. 1. 

522. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 144; See Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 25. 

523. D.R. Bhandarkar, JJ. Vol. I, p.258. 

524. See the Inscription, Fleet, (Dx) 1 . pp. 24-25. 

525. For Chagalaga, see p. 46. 

526. No. 20, LL. 1-2. 

Cf. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 184. 

527. Cf. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 94, p. 184; Agrawala, Jy. p. 449. 

528. Ramayana, II, 68, Vs. 18-19; "They went through the Valhika 
country to Mount Sudaman, viewing Visnupada and also the Vipasa and 


529. MJ. Vol. X, pp. 86ff. 

530. We have some passages from the Karnaparvan (Ch. 44) of the 


531. Kamasutra V/23 and V/26; Kavya-Mlmarhsa, Chap' XVII, see in 
the description of the Uttarapatha; 

S.B. Chaudhuri,Jx. pp. 117-18, see also p. 117, f.n.3; IJ. Vol. VI, 128-36; 
D.C. Sircar, Ox. p. 186; B.C. Law, Tg. p, 71. 

532. Mahabharata, Karnaparvan (ch.44), v. 10 : 



533. B.C. Sircar,Oz. pp. 186-87. 

534. B.C. Law,Tg. p. 71. 

535. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 141; Buddha Prakash (Zy) 1 , p. 243. 

536. Buddha Prakash (Zy) 1 , p. 243. 

537. Mahabharata, Karnaparavan, Ch. 44, v. 7: 

538. No. 20, L.2: 

539. V.S. Agrawala, Jy, p 449. 

540. Ry. K.D. Bajpai, 'Identification of Vanga and Vahlika in the 
Meharauli Iron Pillar Inscription' p. 360. 

541. No. 20, L.2 

542. V. 22, 5.7.9. 

543. Bloomfield, ly. p.446. 

544. Vg. Vol. II, p.63. 

545. xii, 9,3,3. 

546. Vg. Vol. II, p.64. 

547. V,23,9; 149,27; UJ. 1910, p.52; vide S.B. Chaudhuhi Jx. p. 110. 

548. Ramayana, vii, 103, 7,21,22, Cf. Linga Purana, Pt. I, ch, 65. 

549. Jx. p. 110; M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 123-24, see also H.C. Raychaud- 
huri, Az. (edn. 1972), p. 23 

550. Zur Litteratur aid Geschichte des Weda, 41. 

551. Indische Studien, I, 205; Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 
1892, pp. 985-995. 

552. Altindisches Leb?n, 431-33. Cf. Whitney, Rg. p.260; Hopkins, Qx. 
p. 373. 

553. Vg. Vol. II, p.63. 

554. D. C. Sircar, Oz. p. 23 : ^r^t^r *flT*T*r 

555. Ibid., p. 71: 

556. Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, Chapter 7 : 

: n 
Vide, D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 77. 

557. Udyogaparvan: Of the Vahlika being famous for horses and the 
account given of Arjuna's digvijaya (sabhaparvan). 

558. B.C. Law, Tg. p.70. 

559. In his Varttika on Panini, IV. 2.99. 

560. Shama Shastri, 1st edn., p. 79. 

561. Sometimes the Ramayana places it in the West. 

562. Cf. Arthasastra of Kautilya, ed. Shama Shastri, 1st edn., p. 79, 
f.n. I; M.R. Singh, MX. p. 123, 


563. Visnu-Purana, IV/20/31 : 


564. XVII, 48. 

565. qrfrfr: 6/162 : 

566. Ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna, p. 385. 

567. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 109. 

568. Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna, p. 371 

569. Amara-ko'sa : 2.8.45; 3.3.9; and 3.5.31. 

570. Ibid., 2.6.124; 2.9.40 and 3.3.9. 

571. T^cHfl- =5T^f m, S^ftO 67-68. 


573. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 110: 

574. XVI. I, p. 129. 

575. Pargiter, M. 256 

576. J. Przyluski, N. p.7. 

577. Buddha Prakash^Zy) 1 . p. 244; 137-38. 

578. M.R. Singh, MX. p. 127 

579. S.Beal, U. 1884, I, pp. 44-47. 

580. S.B. Chaudhun, Jx. p. 111. 

581. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p.25. 

582. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 178, L.12. 

583. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , pp. 251-52. 

584. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 93. 

585. FJeet, op. cit., p. 252, L. 1 : zfttzr-TT 

586. Alexander Cunningham, Sz. pp. 208-09 

587. Ibid. 

588. Adiparvan, Ch. 95, verse 76: 

589. (Zy.) 1 , pp. 103-05. 

590. Sg. pp. 65-71. 

591. Fauja Sin^h and L.M. Joshi (Ed.), Hy. Vol. I, p. 180 

592. Ibid., p. 179. 

593. f^CTT-^rir ifarr for) ^ tint, arsqrq- 20, i-ftv. 44: 

594. I. 31.24-28: takes the reading Nrga. 

595. 99.18-22: takes the variant reading Mrga. 

596. D.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 252-53. 

597. Pargiter, M. p. 264. 



598. Vg. Vol.1, p. 103; S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 91; H.C. Raychaudhuri, 
Az. (edn. 1972), pp. 60-61. 

599. Vg. Vol.1, p. 103; K.A. Nilakanta Sastri's, Age of The Nandas and 
Mauryas, p. 70; Cf. M.K. Sharan, Sg. p.78: Quotation from P.L. Gupta. 

600. Dronaparvan 7/18/16; Karnaparvan 8/4/46. 

601. Sabhaparvan 2/48/1 3. 

602. 1.59.5 : zfttTHfe^T "^PT ^^m *n*ra"Hfr I 

B.C. Law, Tg, p.75 f.n. 5: There is no mention in Sorensen's Index to 
the Mahabharata of 'Adrija' used as the name of a tribe. 

603. V.3.117 : q**f 

604. (Zy.) 1 , p. 103. 

605. IV. I. 178 : 

606. Arthasastra, Ed. R. Shamasastri, 11,35, p. 142; see also f.n.4. 

607. XIV, 28. p. 122: 


VI, 161 

608.XVI.22, p.133 


610. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p.25; for the diagram see: M.K. Sharan, Sg. 
p. 131. 

611. Bearging the Brahml legend "zfHirwr**r *&:" 

612. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 , p. 104. 

613. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 90-91. 

614. The reading taken by Sharan and Shobha Mukerji "Yaudheya- 
nam Jayamantra-dharanam" is wrong. It should be "Yaudheyanam Jaya- 
mantradharanam" See John Allan, X, Introduction, Page, CLii; 
Majumdar & Altekar (Ed.) Pg. (edn.) 1967, p.30, note I; Buddha Prakash, 
op.cit. p. 104. 

615. Shobha Mukerji, Lg. p. 69. 

616. M.K. Sharan, op.cit., p.82. 

617. Ibid., p.83. 

618. Ibid., p.82. 

619. Bearing the inscription : zfttqif (t) ^znp^RT (*r) 

620. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 94-95. 

621. Ibid., p.95. 

622. Xy. p.456, Col. I. 

623. R. p. 81. 

624. Pg. pp.31-32; M.K. Sharan.Sg. p. 144. 

625. Alexander Cunningham, Sz. p. 206. 

626. Ibid., p.207. 

627. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 133-46. 

628. Ibid., pp.96-97: It should be the goddess 'Sasthi' also known as 



Devasena, the consort of Karttikeya. Even on a certain type of coins, 
the figure presumed to be of the six-headed Krttika, J.N. Banerjea had 
interpreted it to be the figure of a goddess Laksml with aureole round 
her head, as quoted by Sharan himself. 

629. S.K. Chatterjee, Bharata Mein Arya Aura Anarya, p. 98. 

630. Harsacarita (Niranayasagara edn. 1897) p.213; Yz. p.34. 

631. J.C. Naranga,Yz. p.34. 

632. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972) p. 112. 

633. A.L. Basham, Qg. p.98 




"Place-names have an abiding interest : historical geographi- 
cal, linguistic, and above all, human. They may tell us how 
our ancestors lived, and how they looked on life. Place-names 
may be picturesque, even poetical, or they may be pedestrian, 
even trivial. All are worthy of observation". 1 

Their study needs serious scientific investigation. Every 
available recorded form must be studied minutely and an ex- 
tensive knowledge of many languages and dialects may be 
required. Names of cities, castles, countries, towns, villages, 
hamlets, roads, lanes, footpaths, mountains, hills, islands, fields, 
forests, rivers, lakes and streams can provide us with a wealth 
of information about local history, geography, dialects and 
phonetic features. We should arrange the recorded forms in a 
chronological order and study them keeping in view the similar 
instances. We should study the place names by the following 
process : 

(i) The initial terms and their significance, 
(ii) The suffixes and their significance, 
(iii) Synthesis of the above results. 

By such study of place-names we can peep into the cul- 
ture of the past and compare it with the existing culture. 

Countries, towns, mountains and rivers are generally 
named after discoverers, conquerors, founders and celebrated 
men. We must also keep in view the situation of a place, its 
surroundings and inhabitants. 

The study of place names has received considerable atten- 
tion in Western countries specially in Scandinavia, England 
and America. 

In England the scientific investigation of local nomencla- 
ture began in the year 1901 when Walter William Skeat's book 
The place-names of Cambridgeshire was published. Skeat 
was constantly stimulated and encouraged by the erudite 
scholar Henry Bradley. Skeat and Bradley with Sir Allen 


Mawer founded in 1923 an English Place-name Society under 
the patronage of the British Academy. Scholars, archivists, 
librarians, curators, teachers, students and people from other 
professions have gladly helped in the work of the society and as 
the country surveys have appeared year by year, notable addi- 
tions have been made to the knowledge of local archaeology, 
history and geography, of regional dialects, past and present. 2 

In India 3 , S.K. Chatterji 4 , Sefti Pillar 5 , Krishnapada Gos- 
wami 6 , Bhayani 7 and Sandesara 8 have made the studies in this 

H.D. Sankalia 9 classifies the place-names into the following 
groups : 

I. Place-names after a person, deity, spirit or tribe. 

(i) Place-names after a person hero, saint, tribal leader 
(ii) Place-names after a deity 
(iii) Place-names after a sptrit 
(iv) Place-names after tribes or peoples 

II. Place-names after an event auspicious occasion, bad 

III. Place-names after customs and superstitions. 

IV. Place-names after geographical and physical features : 
(i) Place-names after hills, mountains, mounds or any 

elevated place 

(ii) Place-names after rivers, streams, lakes and ponds, 
(iii) Place-names after forests, deserts, steppes, etc. 

V. Place-names after animals, birds and reptiles : 
(i) Animals 

(ii) Birds 
(iii) Reptiles 

VI. Place-names after names of existing places. 
Chatterji 10 would suggest the following classification : 

(i) Place-names from tribes or castes living there originally, 
(ii) Place-names from names of natural features, 
(iii) Place-names of a religious character, 
(iv) Place-names after names of persons or events, 
(v) Place-names copied from other place-names. 
Actually both the classifications mean the same thing and 
represent the general trends of naming the places. Dr. Sankalia 
seems to have just simplified and annotated Dr. Chatterji Y 



It may be pointed out that tradition, particularly as recor- 
ded in the Epics and Puranas ascribes the foundation of cities 
to particular kings, who are often believed to have given their 
name to the respective cities but sometimes it remains in- 
consistent with the original statements. This may indicate that 
sometimes it was thought that cities could be founded only 
by kings ; no other factor was envisaged to be responsible for 
the expansion of urbanism a belief which ignores the inter- 
play of variables that went into the making of cities. 11 

"The analysis which Panini gives of the underlying mean- 
ings which relate place-names to human society, shows conclu- 
sively that place-names do not originate by mere accident, but 
are the outcome of social and historical conditions with which 
a community is intimately connected. An etymological app- 
roach to the place-names of a country, therefore, introduces us 
to many a forgotten chapter of history and ethnography." 12 

But Panini 13 also cautions his readers that the etymological 
meaning of place-names should not be held authoritative since 
the name should vanish when the people leave the place who 
gave their name to it. 

Panini 14 gives the following ending of place-names : 

1. Nagara (IV. 2.142) 

2. Pura (IV. 2.122) 

3. Grama (IV. 2.142) 

4. Kheta (VI. 2.126) 

5. Ghosa (VI. 2.85) 

(6-9) Kula, Suda, Sthala, Karsa (VI. 2.129) 

(10-11) Tira, Rupya (VI. 1.135) 

(12-15) Kaccha, Agni, Vaktra, Garta (VI. 2.126) 

(16) Palada (IV. 2.142) 

(17) Arma (VI. 2.90) 

(18) Vaha (IV. 2.122) 

(19) Hrada (IV. 2.142) 

(20) Prastha (IV. 2.122, IV. 2.110) 

(21) Kantha (IV. 2.142) 

Panini gives the interesting information that the ending 
kantha was in use in Usinara (II.4.20) and Varnu (Bannu) 
(IV. 2.103). Kantha was a Saka word fora town as in expression 


Kandavara-Kanthavara occurring in a KharosthI inscription. 15 
There are also instances when place-names have been very 

lengthy. 16 

1. The longest place-name in Great Britain has 58 letters 

gogoch a railway station on the Holyhead-Euston 

line. 17 

2. Kardivilliwarrakurrakurrieapparlarndoo 18 

This is not a misprint. It is an Australian aboriginal 
word. It is the name of a lake in the Northern territory, 
and it means 'the starlight shining on the waters of the 
lake'. 19 

Modern place-names suffixes and prefixes may be divided 
into three main categories. 

(i) Endings with Sanskrit influence Pura, Pura, Nagara, 

Kota, Thala (Sthala), Kunda, Pokhra, Pada, BadI, etc. 
(ii) Endings with Persian-Arabic influence : Talaba, Ganja, 

(Nawabganj, Daraganja, Vishveshwaraganja), Chaka. 
(iii) Vernacular terms added before : Dera, Mohalla, 

Basti, etc. 

(iv) English:- Colony, town, street, Road, Fountain, Sector, 
Block, Enclave, Gate, Bridge, Place and Cantt. (Can- 

According to the Mahabharata 20 , 'a place must be named 
after any of its peculiar features'. 

In the Mahabharata 21 'Janapada 1 'Desa' and Rdstra are used 
synonymously. 22 Yet in practice, they must differ slightly. 
*Desa' means 'a country', province or any patch of land', 'Jana- 
pada', a tribal settlement, 23 whereas 'Rastra' is definitely a 
political term, denoting 'whatever fell under the jurisdiction 
of the sovereignty'. 

It will be interesting to note the antiquity of p lace-name 
terms. We find Rastra 24 as the oldest right from the Rgveda, 
and used for the biggest unit. Its equivalent Janapada came 
into being in the Brahmana-period. 25 The Rgveda frequently 
refers to tribes viz. the Yadus, the Purus, the Anus etc. who 
were residing in particular area without mentioning their terri- 
tory, province or kingdom. 26 The ordinary people of a Jana- 
pada were called Vis which were divided into gramas or unions 


of many families. So whenever the people of gramas settled they 
were termed as gramas (villages) and hence the word Samgrama 
came into being when a number of gramas united for a battle. 
Every Janapada had a pura or chief city (capital) where the 
king resided. Every Janapada was politically named as Rastra. 27 
Panini mentions a number of Janapadas in the Astadhyayl. 28 
Kautilya also uses the term Janapada for territory as the con- 
stituent of State. 29 We find the mention of sixteen Mahajanapadas 
of Aryavarta in many places in the Buddhist literature. The 
term 'rajya' with its different kinds is referred to in the later 
Vedic period i.e. in the Brahmanas. 

Later on we find that the connotations of the territorial 
units differed from place to place and time to time. Panini men- 
tions separately the villages and towns of Eastern India (Pracam 
gramanagaranam, VII. 3.14), but with reference to Vahlka and 
Udlcya country he uses the term grama in a generic sense to 
include all centres of population (IV. 2. 117 and IV. 2. 109). 
Patanjali in commenting on the distinctions between the terms 
grama and pura remarks that these should not be settled by rules 
of grammar but by local usage (tatratinirbandho na labhah, 

The two terms grama and nagara were used indiscriminately 
in the Vahlka country (Punjab) where the villages had also 
grown in prosperity like the towns, and hence the word grama 
here included nagara also in the connotation. 30 

Yajnavalkya 31 uses the term Puga which the Mitaksara 
explains as the assembly of the inhabitants of the same place 
with different castes and occupations such as village, city etc. 

The Amarakosa gives the following words as synonymous, 
all standing for town or city : pur, pun, nagari, pattana, puta- 
bhedana, sthanlya and nigama^ It also differentiates the 
Mulanagara (main city) from the Sakha-nagara (branch 
.town). 33 


1. Simeon Potter, Wy. p.151. 

2. Ibid., p. 156. 

3. H.D. Sankalia,Pz. p.8. 


4. Chatterji, Hg. Vol. I, pp. 64-67, 68, 74 and 179-88. 

5. AJ. IV (1939-40), 24-36, V (1940-41), 1-34. 

6. RJ. 1943, 1-70. 

7. OJ. IV (1942), 119-29. 

8. Ibid., V (1943), 148-56, 157-58. 

9. H.D. Sankalia,Pz. p. 47. 

10. Ibid.,p.47,f.n. I. 

11. A. Ghosh,Vz. pp. 43-44. 

12. Pz. p.46, f.n. I, V.S. Agrawala,,VJ. XVI, ii. 

13. 1/2/55 : zftwmr ^ <R*n%s?*f5f *qTcr i 

14. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 65-71. 

15. Liiders, UJ. 1934, p. 516, also Sten Konow, DX. p.43; Dz. pp.43, 
149, Kantha, "town in feminine gender" 

16. H., pp. 1-2. 

17. Ibid., p.l, f.n. 1. 

18. Ibid., pp. 1-2, f.n.2. 

19. Ibid. "Wales and New Zealand have even longer place-names but 
the name of the Australian lake shows that aboriginal peoples of Austra- 
lia thought by ethnologists to be among the oldest remaining types 
of original homosapiens were not behind-hand in inventing words 
which, besides having a poetically beautiful meaning, could twist the 
tongue of the uninitiated into knots". 

20. Mahabharata I, 2-8 

zft ^r: *Rn 

^R& TTRT 3 t 

21. Ibid. I. 102-12, 14. 


23. Cf. 'The Genesis of Janapada', NJ. Vol. XLIV. Sep. Dec. 1958, 
Part III & IV pp. 204-14. 

24. Vg., Vol. II, p. 223. 

25. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 273. 

26. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 32. 

27. See Ibid. 

28. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 49-64, 15-16. 

29. Arthasastra, p. 18. 

30. Agrawala, Jy. p. 65. 

The Greek accounts testify to the existence of about five hundred towns, 
all rich and prosperous, in the VahTka country, where naturally the old 
distinction of grama and nagara must have lost its sharpness as reflected 
in the A^tadhyayl. 

31. II. 31. 

32. Amarakosa, 2/2/1. 

33. Ibid., 2/2/2 

Place-Names and Their Suffixes 

Now we shall arrange the place-names occurring in our 
inscriptions with their suffixes and discuss each one of them. 

Place-names ending in Rastra 

Rastra 1 (from \/raj) :^ 

It is the oldest and biggest territorial term. In the Rgveda 2 
and later Samhitas, 3 it denotes 'kingdom' or 'royal territory*, 
It is considered to be one of the Prakrtis (constituents) 4 and 
refers to a country. 5 It was the name of a Commissioner's 
division under the Rastrakutas. 6 In South India, under the 
PalJavas, Kadambas, and Salankayanas also it denotes only 
a district, if not a tehsil. 7 The Samaranganasutradhara 8 says 
that 'all the rastra including na gar 'a is called desa or mandate 
while nagara is excluded in janapada'. 
It divides rastras into three kinds : 

(i) Big : It consists of nine thousand and ninety villages, 
but some scholars say that the nine thousand and sixty 
four villages make a big rastra. 9 

(ii) Middle : It consists of five thousand, three hundred and 
eighty four villages. 10 

(iii Small : It consists of one thousand, five hundred and 
forty eight villages. 11 

It further discusses that seven cities should be established 
in each rastra. 12 

In place-names rastra is changed into : 13 

(a) Ratha, as Maharastra, Maratha 

(b) Rat, at Mayarastra, (=Mayarat), Mirat 
It also changes into ratta, 

Cf. Nagiratta. Walde also derives it 

from Vraj-( rat) 

Sk. rastra : AV. rastar^ 


In ancient Indian history extending over several centuries, 
we do not find uniformity in the nomenclature of the different 
territorial and administrative divisions in the various kingdoms 
flourishing in different centuries and provinces. In the small 
kingdoms like those of the Pallavas, the Vakatakas and 
Gahadavalas we usually find reference to only one territorial 
division, the district variously called visaya or rastra. 15 

Following are the names with this ending : 

1. Devarastra (No. 1, L.20) : 

It has been mentioned as ruled by Kubera one of the kings 
ruling in Southern Region who were subdued by Samudragupta. 
Dey 16 identifies it with the Maratha country (i.e. Maharastra). 
Fleet and Smith are also of the same opinion. G. Ramdas 
slightly differs from them when he identifies Devarastra with 
modern Devagiri in the Dharwar district. 17 According to R.D. 
Banerjee 18 Devarastra is the name of a district or province in 
Kalinga. B.C. Law 19 identifies it with Yellomanchili taluka of 
the Vizagapatam district, which is also the view of H.C. Ray- 
chaudhuri, 2 S.B.Chaudhuri, 21 DubreuilandBhandarkar. 22 Th s 
view is generally accepted at present. Earlier scholars held that 
Samudragupta made a round of the South crossing from the 
eastern to the western coast of India. But this involves serious 
difficulties about his potential relations with the Vakatakas. 
Now, scholars describe southern campaign of Samudragupta 
as confined to the eastern coast. Thus it becomes apparent 
that Devarastra was conterminous with Kosala (Sirpur). Tam- 
ralipti may have been included in Devarastra. 23 

2. Mula-Nagiratta(No28,L.2,L.8, L.15) : 

L.2 of the inscription mentions a man^ala (sub-division) called 
Nagiratta (Nagiratta-mandalika) and later on refers to Mula- 
Nagiratta which seems to have been the headquarters of this 
mandala. It is clear from the inscription itself that Mula- 
Nagiratta was situated in the neighbourhood of Nitva-Gohal!. 24 
Mula-Nagiratta literally means 'Nagiratta Proper'. The 
word Nagiratta is the Prakritic form of Nagarastra meaning 'a 
country of the Nagas'. 

3. Surastra (No. 14, L.8, L.9) : 

InL .8 Surastra is used in plural 25 while in L.9 it is an adjective 
of avani (land). 26 In this inscription great importance has been 



attached to Surastra. After his conquests, Skandagupta 
deliberated for days and nights together as to whom should be 
entrusted important task of guarding the land of the Surastras. 27 
At last he was satisfied by appointing Parnadatta as a governor 
over this western 28 region. 

Surastra corresponds with Southern Kathiawar with its 
Prakrit name Sorath. 29 Literally the name means a good 
country. It was so named probably on account of the natural 
fertility of the land, Sorath is well known for rich crops of all 
kinds, and splendid cattle. 30 

Surastra 31 is mentioned in the Junagarh Rock Inscription 
of Rudradaman I (A.D. 150). It was governed by Pusyagupta, 
under Candragupta Maurya and by a Yavana Tusaspa under 
Asoka. 32 The Puranas 33 and the Kavyamlmarhsa 34 mention it 
a country in the west while the Brhatsarhhita 35 mentions it 
as a country in the South. It may be due to the different 
geographical units made by the authors of the Kavyamlmamsa 
and the Brhatsamhita. 

Under Gupta emperors Bamanasthali (modern Banthali) was 
the capital of Surastra, before Valabhi became its capital. 36 
The name Surastra also occurs in the Mahabharata, the 
Jatakas 37 , and several times in the Ramayana. 38 It is also 
mentioned in Patanjali's Mahabhasya. 39 In Kautilya's Arthasas- 
tra, Surastras are mentioned as one of the corporations of 
warriors who lived by agriculture and trade. 40 According to 
the Arthasastra the elephants of Surastra were inferior to those 
belonging to Anga and KaJiiiga. 41 

In the medieval period, 42 in three directions, Bhavanagar, 
Porabandar and Somanath (the famous temple) were the limits 
of Surastra. 

Place-names ending in Bhukti 

Bhukti (from Vbhuj) 

Literally it means 'enjoyment' or possession. 43 Bhukti 
denoted an administrative division smaller than a modern 
Tehsil or Taluka in the Deccan and M.P., but in Northern 
India under the Guptas and Pratiharas it denoted a unit as 
large as the Commissioner's Division in modern times. 44 Thus 


Pratisthanabhukti consisted of only 12 and Kopparakabhukti 
of 50 villages in the Deccan under the Rastrakutas, 45 whereas 
under the Guptas the Pundravardhanabhukti comprised of the 
districts of Dinajpur, Bogra and Rajshahi, and Magadhabhukti 
included the districts of GayaandPataliputra. 46 Sravastibhukti 
under the Pratiharas included several districts in northern 
U.P. 47 The Bhuktis under the Pratihara empire appear to have 
been rather Commissioners' Divisions than provinces. 48 Bhukti 
is changed intohutias Jejakabhukti, Jejahuti. 49 The unit bhukti 
which so often appears in the inscriptions of the Gupta period 
as the designation of an administrative unit is not frequently 
found in the early medieval period. 50 The mention of a 
Nagara-bhukti is also made in Deo-Baranark Inscription of 
Jivitagupta II. 51 

We find only one place name with the suffix bhukti which 
is detailed below: 

Pundravardhana (No. 28, L.I; No. 33, LL .1-2; No. 34, 
L. 2 ; No. 35, L.2; No. 36, L. 2;- No. 37, L. 2; No. 43, 
L. 14) : 

This bhukti is mentioned in the Gupta epigraphs ranging 
from the years 124 to 224 of the Gupta era, i.e. from A.D. 443 
to 543. It formed an integral part of Gupta empire during this 
period. According to Inscription No. 37, a noble man (kula- 
putra) Amrtadeva by name belonging to Ayodhya approached 
the local government of Kotivarsa of which Svyambhudeva 
was the governor, under the provincial government of Pundra- 
vardhana-bhukti, during the reign of Bhanugupta, and prayed 
that he might be given, by means of a copper-plate document 
in accordance with the prevailing custom, some rent-free 
waste lands. His prayer was granted. 

General Cunningham 52 identifies Pundravardhana with the 
extensive ruins known as 'Mahasthangarh', 8 miles north of 
the town of Bogra. The river Karatoya was the dividing line 
between Pundravardhana-bhukti and Kamarupa. 53 According 
to Wilson, the ancient kingdom of PundradeSa included the 
districts of Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Malda, Bogra and 
Tirhut. 54 It seems to have been the biggest administrative 
division or province of the Gupta empire, divided into several 
visayas and mandalas of which twenty-four 55 are mentioned 



in known epigraphs. In short Pundravardhana signified North 

Pundravardhana, as the name suggests, was a settlement of 
the Pundras. 56 The first reference to the Pundras is found in 
the Aitareya Brahmana. 57 The earliest literary reference to 
Pundravardhana is to be traced in the Buddhist work, the 
Divyavadana, where it is mentioned as the easternmost city of 
India. 58 The Paundra country is mentioned also in the Brhat- 
sarhhita, 59 as situated in the east. 60 The Kavyamlmamsa also 
mentions it as a Janapada in the east. In the inscriptions of 
Bengal the name Pundravardhana was changed into Paundra- 
vardhana in the early part of the 12th century, when it occurs 
first in the Manahali grant of Madanapala and remained in use 
till the end of the Sena rule. The Rajataranginl mentions 
Pundravardhana as the capital of Gauda which is also proved 
by a reference in Purusottama's lexicon (llth century A.D.) 61 

The city lost its importance from the third quarter of the 
12th century A.D. as the later Sena kings shifted their capital 
to Gauda in the Malda district. Towards the end of the 13th 
or the beginning of the 14th century A.D. Pundravardhana was 
occupied by the Muhammedans. 62 

Place-names ending in Visaya 


According to Monier Williams it means a dominion, king- 
dom, territory, region, district, country, or abode and in plural 
it meant lands or possessions. 63 In the Astadhyayl 64 it denotes 
regions or provinces, called after their inhabitants, e.g. Saiba, 
the region of the Sibis ; Malavaka, the region of the Malava 
people; Rajanyaka, of the Rajanya tribe and so forth. 'The 
names according to Visaya seem to be based on the ethnic 
distribution of population over particular areas for the time 
being without reference to the form of government'. 65 

The word Visaya in the sutra Visayo dese 66 is significant. 
Jainendra, Sakatayana and Hemacandra take it as rastra, and 
Vardhamana as Janapada. The Kasika takes it as grama-samu- 
daya. Katayayana and Patanjali interpret Visaya as being 
identical with Janapada in some cases, but their comments 
give the impression that even such geographical units as were 


not a janapada were called Visaya. 67 

If Visaya and Janapada had been identical, Panini would 
not have treated the former under a separate heading. 68 A 
Visaya denoted both a bigger unit having the status of a 
Janapada, and a smaller area which was but an estate. In the 
Rajanyadi gana, visaya denotes janapadas, while in the 
Bhauriki and Aisukari ganas, 69 it is landed property, the share 
of estate which was the source of livelihood. 

In the post-paninian period, distinction between Janapada 
and visaya was lost, both being called by the same names, for 
example Angah, Vangah, Sumhah, and Pundrah. In some Jana- 
padas like Rajanya, the distinction was retained, as Rajanyaka 
denoted a visaya and Rajanyah, the Janapada of the Rajanya 
tribe. Similarly we have Vasatah, Vasatayah ; Gandharah, 
Gandharayah ; and Saibah, Sibiyah. Other smaller units were 
only visayas or estates like Bailvavanaka, Atmakameyaka, 
Bhaurikavidha and Aisukari-bhakta. 70 

The visaya usually corresponded with the district of the 
modern administration. 71 Minor bhuktis, mandalas and the 
visayas were used to denote the same administrative division 
in many cases. 72 The district administration was well organised 
in the Gupta period. Some of the land-grant charters bear the 
seals of the district administration. 73 Sealings of the district 
administration of Rajagrha and Gay a have been found at 
Nalanda, showing that their correspondence to outsiders bore 
the impress of their official seals. 74 

We have the following place-names ending in Visaya : 

I. Gaya (No. 21, L. 7) : 

A village named Revatika belonging to the Gaya visaya 
was granted as an agrahara to a brahmana, ostensibly by 
Samudragupta. 75 Gaya is at present headquarters of the 
Gaya district, 60 miles due south of Patna. It comprises the 
modern town of Sahebganj on the northern side and the 
ancient town of Gaya on the southern side. 76 Much has been 
written on Gaya, 77 all of which is not possible to discuss 
here. We will confine ourselves to the origin of the name Gaya 
and the importance of Gaya. 

In the Rgveda Gaya is a proper name applied to a com- 
posex of hymns. 78 In the Atharvaveda 79 Gaya appears to be a 


wonder-worder or sorcerer along with Asita and Kasyapa who 
later on transformed himself into Gayasura. 80 According to 
the Vayu Purana, 81 the city was named Gaya after an A sura, 
Gaya by name (Gayasura). Visnu killed this demon but 
granted him a boon that this city would be held highly sacred. 
According to R.L. Mitra, 82 this story is an allegorical repre- 
sentation of the expulsion of Buddhism from Gaya which 
was the headquarters of the Buddhist faith. Aurnavabha in ex- 
plaining 'idam Visnur-vi Cakrame tredha nidadhe padam' 83 
in the Nirukta 84 holds that the three steps of Visnu were placed 
on Samarohana, Visnupada and Gayasiras. The Mahabharata 
(III. 95 and VII. 64) describes the performance of sacrifices by 
Gaya 85 references to which 86 are also found in the Rama- 
yana, 87 Bhagavata Purana 88 Brahmanda Purana, 89 Agni 
Purana, 90 Visnu Purana, 91 Vamana Purana, 92 etc. Asvaghosa's 
Buddhacarita 93 (I or II cent. A.D.) speaks of the Buddha's 
visit to the hermitage called 'the city of the royal sage Gaya', 
who was later conceived as a great giant. 94 

We can find evidence of the importance of Gaya growing 
in the period subsequent to A.D. 750. At Gaya while we have 
only one inscription belonging to the Gupta period, we get 
numerous inscriptions belonging to the Pala period. 95 But 
these records are of not much use for the history of the town, 
they simply show that till the end of the twelfth century A.D. 
it was under the Palas. 96 

The city played no major role in politics at any period of 
history but it was certainly a centre of religious movements of 
Buddhist and the Brahmanical Hindus. 97 Gaya which was the 
headquarters of Buddhist faith passed to the Hindus between 
the second and fourth centuries of the Christian era and by 
A.D. 637 when Hiuen Tsang visited the city it had become a 
thriving centre of Hindu Brahmanical religion. 98 

The religious importance of Gaya is met with in the Maha- 
bharata, 99 Ramayana 100 and Puranas. 101 The Gaya has a 
special religious importance with reference to the Sraddha cere- 
mony. 102 

2. Khad(ta)pardW* (No. 29, L. 7) : 

The inscription came from a place Dhanaidaha in the Katore 
subdivision of the Rajashahi district (in Pundravardhana). 10 ^ 


So this visaya may be assigned to the Pun^ravardhana bhukti. 
The name of the district cannot be read with certainty. Sen 105 
suggests three readings : Maha-Khushapara, Khada(ta) para, or 
Khusaspara. Banerji gives the reading 'Maha-khusapara. 106 

3. Kotivarsa (No 34, L.3;No.35,L.3;No.36,L.3;No.37,L.3): 
It has been described as a visaya under Pundravardhana-bhukti. 
This reference clearly shows that the size of a visaya was small- 
.er than that of a bhukti. The visaya of Kotivarsa occurs frequ- 
ently in the epigraphic records of the Palas and Senas. 107 It 
seems to have comprised the southern part of the Dinajpur 
district, the northern portion of Rajashahi and probabJy also 
,the eastern tracts of the Bogra district. 108 Its head-quarters was 
Diw-kot (Devakota or Devlkota). 109 Yadavaprakasa identifies 
Kotivarsa with Devikotta. 110 The Vayu Purana also refers to a 
city of the name of Kotivarsa. 111 

The Prakrit lexicon Paia-sadda-mahannavo describes it as 
the capital of Lata country. 112 The name is known to the Jain 
Prajnapana in which it is placed in Ladha or Lata. 113 

Hemacandra 114 says that Kotivarsa, Banapura, Devlkota, 
Umavana and Sonitapura are identical. Purusottama 115 agrees 
with Hemacandra with the only difference that he mentions 
Usavana in place of Umavana. Banapura is represented by 
Bangarh in the Dinajpur district, which still preserves the exten- 
sive ruins of a citadel known as Damdamah said to have been 
the fort of Devlkota associated with the exploits of the mythi- 
cal king Bana. 116 Diw-kota or Devlkota (wrongly read as Dihi- 
kota in the A-In-i-Akban) was a mahal under the Sarkar of 
LakhnautI (Laksanavati). 117 

The termination varsa is significant. It denotes a division 
of the earth as separated off by mountain ranges. 118 From the 
Puranas we know of such names as Harivarsa, Kirhpurusa- 
Varsa and Bharata- Varsa. 119 Varsam in Panini 120 means the 
rainy season. We know that rains are connected with the moun- 
tains. So originally the divisions might have been made accord- 
ing to the rains in different areas. Rains being very important 
for agriculture affect the inhabitants of a certain area through- 
out the year. Later on the semantic development of the word 
came to denote a year. In India the seasons have been regard- 
ed to be important and hence they had often been used to 


denote the year. 121 

4. Krmila (No. 40, L. 5) : 

The Visaya or district of Krmila also spelt as Krimila is mention- 
ed in inscription No. 40. According to D.C. Sircar "as the 
charter is spurious and seems to have been forged a few centu- 
ries after Samudragupta's time, it may or may not prove the 
existence of a visaya and therefore of a city of the above name 
in the fourth century. 122 But certain old seals found at Nalanda 
prove the existence of Krmila before the Pala occupation of 
Bihar. 123 The village Kavala in the Krimilavisaya known from 
one such seal can be identified with modern Kawali not far 
from Valgudar. 124 The visaya or district of Krmila is also men- 
tioned in the records of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. 125 

According to a tradition recorded in the Harivariisa, 126 
Vayu Purana 127 and the Brahmanda Purana 128 Krmi, the son 
of king USlnara of the Puru dynasty, born of his second queen 
Krmi, was the lord of Krmilapuri. 129 

In the Buddhist literature, we get various forms for the city 
of Krmila : Kimila, Kimmila and Kimbila. The name of an 
inhabitant of the city is given as Kimila, Kimmila or Kimbila. 
Malalasekera 130 recognises the spellings Kimila or Kimbila and 
Kimila or Kimbila, but prefers the forms Kimbila and Kimbila. 
Kimila can be the Pali form of Sanskrit Krmila (or Krimila), 
and Kimmila can be derived from the other Sanskrit variant 
Kirmila. 131 Two Suttas, the Kimilasutta and Kimilasutta, were 
preached by the Buddha when he was camping at the city of 
Kimila (Krmila) said to have been situated on the bank of the 
Ganga . The river is now at a short distance from the villages 
of Valgudar and Rajauna, on the site of which the ancient city 
stood. 332 

M.S. Pandey 133 opposes the identification of Krmila with 
Valgudar on the ground that there is not sufficient evidence 
to prove this identification. Though Krmila is not referred to 
in early Pali literature, we find a city named Krmila mention- 
ed in the Anguttara Nikaya Commentary. 134 According to this 
commentary, the city stood on the bank of the Ganga. But 
now-a-days, the Ganga flows at some distance from this region 
which may be due to a change in the course of the river dur- 
ing so many centuries. The city was not very important and 
may have gradually disappeared. At present we do not find 


any traces of the city : it may have been washed away by the 
Ganga. According to Pandey 135 the name of the modern villa- 
ge Kiul has some resemblance with the name Krmila and it is 
not unlikely that the city may have been somewhere in that 

Sircar is himself not sure about the identification of Krmila 
with Valgudar 136 and seems to prefer the claim of modern 
Kawali not being far from Valgudar Krmila. 137 But in the 
district Gazetteer of Monghyr it is the village of Kiul which 
is mentioned and not Kawali. Hence we prefer the view of 
Dr. Pandey. 

The word Krmila means "a fruitful woman" or "a place 
full of worms" and the word Krmi forming its first part is 
sometimes also written as Krimi. 138 

5. Lata (No. 17, L. 3) 

The district or visaya of Lata is here described as "pleasing 
with choice trees that are bowed down by the weight of (their) 
flowers, and with temples and assembly-halls of the gods, and 
with viharas, (and) the mountains of which are covered over 
with vegetation". 

The country south of MahT or at times south of the Nar- 
bada up to the Purva or so far as Daman, was called Lata and 
'it corresponded roughly with Southern Gujarat'. 140 It comp- 
rised the collectorates of Surat, Bharoch, Kheda and parts of 
Baroda territory. 141 

According to Prof. Buhler, Lata is Central Gujarat, the 
district between the Mahi and Kim rivers and its chief city was 
Broach. 142 Lata has been identified with Central and Southern 
Gujarat in the Rewah Stone Inscription of Karna. 143 We also 
find the Lata kingdom mentioned in other epigraphical reco- 
rds. 144 Latarastra 145 is identical with the old Lata kingdom of 
Gujarat, the capital city of which is stated in the DIpavarhsa to 
have been Sirhapura (Slhapura). 146 In the early days of the 
imperial Guptas, the Lata country was formed into an admini- 
strative province in the Latavisaya. 147 The Saktisangam Tantra 
places the Lata country to the west of Avanti and to the north- 
west ofVidarbha. 148 

Lata is the same as the Larike of Ptolemy which lay to the 
east of Indo-Scythia along the sea-coast. 149 The word Lata is 



derived from Sanskrit Rastra. 150 The Nagara brahmanas of 
Lata (Gujarat) are said to have invented the Nagarl character 
which is believed to have been derived from the Brahml alpha- 
bet. 151 

6. Vaivyatt* (No. 40, L. 4) : 

In this inscription the visaya of Vaivya is mentioned. The word 
Vaivya is inexplicable. We may, however, suggest that the term 
was possibly derived from Prakrit Vevva 153 which means 'fear* 
and hence Vaivya would mean 'fearful' or 'dreadful*. 

Place-names ending in Mandala 


Mandala is a territorial unit which is found in the inscriptions 
of many dynasties of the early medieval period. Originally it 
denoted in the Arthasastra and other legal texts, 154 a diploma- 
tic circle of twelve neighbouring kings, some friendly and 
others unfriendly, in relation to a king desirous of conquest. 
The term could also be used for the territory under the posse- 
ssion of a feudatory. But in the Gupta period mandala is used 
for some kind of administrative division though in early medie- 
val period its use was in feudalistic association. 155 In Calukyan 
records, the governor of a mandala was usually called a Mand- 
alesvara or Mahamandalesvara. 156 In the records of the Impe- 
rial Guptas it denoted a unit smaller than a Vlthl. 157 Literally 
meaning a circle or round it denotes a district, province, coun- 
try in general or it may signify a surrounding district or neigh- 
bouring state. 158 

1. Nagirattamandala (No. 28, LL. 1-2) : 

Nagirattamandala formed a part of Daksinamsakavlthi in 
Pundravardhana, the headquarters of the province of the same 
name. Mula-Nagiratta seems to have formed the headquarters 
of the Nagirattamandala 159 Nagiratta is a Prakritic form of 

2. Uttaramandala (No. 52, L. 7) : 

Literally it means 'the Northern Mandala'. The province might 
have been divided into four mandates in the four directions 
from the point of view of administration. The village Kanteda- 
daka is described to have formed a part of the Uttaramandala 
as mentioned in the record. 160 


Place-names with the suffix Pradesa 


'Fleet translates it as 'place' 161 but the term has a speci- 
fic use as an administrative division. Here it connotes a divi- 
sion 162 or may correspond with the word visaya used in the 
~same context in the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of Tora- 
mana. 163 In modern usage pradesa signifies a province. 

In our inscriptions we find only one place-name termed as 

Airikina (No. 2, L. 25) : 

It has been described here as the bhoga-nagara of the king (sva- 
bhoga-nagara). 164 In this context the use of the phrase 'Sva- 
bhoganagara' is important. K.P. Jayaswal 165 interprets 'svabho- 
ganagara' as a town that had, since the victory scored by the 
Gupta king at Eran, become his direct personal possession. 
Fleet translates it as 'the city of his own enjoyment'. 166 

Dasaratha Sharma 167 explains it as analogous to the word 
'Ekabhoga' defined in the Manasara as a town or village inha- 
bited by a single land-holder along with his dependants. 168 It 
is 'Svabhoga'forthe master and 'Ekabhoga' for others'. Sharma 
connects this 'Svabhoga' with a feudatory 'who lived therein 
with his family and dependants, and on whom Samudragupta, 
pleased by his 'devotion', policy, and valour' conferred the litle 
of Rajan and the accompanying glories of consecration, etc. 
described in verse 4. 169 But Sharma seems to be incorrect in 
associating the inscription with a feudatory, the inscription 
belongs to Samudragupta himself which is clear by further 
description in subsequent verses. 170 No doubt in the Eran 
Stone Boar Inscription of Toramana 171 the word 'sva-visaya' 
an adjectival clause of Airikina is used to refer to a feudatory, 
which is very clear from the inscription. 

The editor 172 also, following Sharma, is misled and ex- 
plains the term 'Svabhoga' as implying a grant, or something 
like it by the governor of the province, who had for his own 
salary the revenues of the city of Airikina allotted to him. 173 
But the term 'Svabhoganagara' is significant in connoting royal 
status, higher than that of a feudatory chief and can mean 
'the capital city' where the king himself was residing. In con- 
trast, in the Earn Stone Boar Inscription of Toramana 174 the 


term 'Sva-visaya' has been used for the feudatory Dhanyavisnu 
(of king Toramana) who may have been a visayapati, the ad- 
ministrator-incharge of Eran. 

Airikina is the same as modern Eran, the ancient Airikina, 
a village on the left bank of the Bina, in Sagar District of 
Madhya Pradesh. From the Copper Coins of the Asokan 
period found at Eran, we get an earlier Pali or Prakrit form 
of the name which is Erakana or Erakana or Erakana. 175 It 
is thus clear that Erakana or Erakana is the simplified form of 
Erikina : to simplify still more the medial letter 'k' has been 
dropped by the process of elision. 176 The meaning of the word 
Erikina is a puzzle but its connexion with eraka 'a kind of 
grass, 177 found in that area may be accepted as a hypothesis. 

Place-names ending in Desa 


It means a province, country, kingdom. 178 Sometimes it is 
used as a technical territorial term. But its exact meaning 
and bearing are difficult to explain due to the fact that 
sometimes it is described as bigger and at others smaller 
than other geographical divisions, such as mandala, rastra and 
visaya. 179 We find only one reference each in the Brahmanas 180 
and the Vajasaneyl Samhita. 181 The passage in the Vajasaneyl 
Samhita is significant in as much as here for the first time, 
desa is used in the sense of a 'country'. We find a refer- 
ence to the river Sarasvati as flowing in the Madhyadesa or 
'Middle Country'. The term was much in vogue in the 
Upanisad and Sutra period denoting therein the meaning 

1. Mleccha-desa (No. 14, L. 4) : 

There is a mention of the Mleccha countries in the Junagarh 
Rock Inscription of Skandagupta (No. 14). But the record 
does not refer to any boundary of the Mlecchas. 182 

2. Sukuli-desa (No. 5, L. 4) : 

It will literally mean 'a country possessing noble families in it'. 
It seems to have been a place near Sane! in Madhya Pradesh. 
Place-names ending in Rajya 


Rajya means a kingdom, country, realm (=rastra). 183 


In the Vedic period the term 'Rajya' regularly denoted 
sovereign power. In addition to this there were other expres- 
sions referring to sovereign power. 184 In the ritual of the 
Rajasuya, the Aitareya Brahmana 185 gives a whole series of 
terms: Rajya, Samrajya, Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya, Parame- 
sthya, and Maharajya. 

We find only one name ending with this suffix in our in- 
scriptions which is given below : 

Airavata-go-rajya (No. 35, L.9) : 

The name is not clearly legible. But D.C. Sircar takes 
the reading to be 'Airavata-go-rajye'. Airavata-go-rajya may 
literally mean 'a kingdom where elephants and cows are 
found'. 186 It was situated in the visaya of Kotivarsa which 
formed a part of the Pundravardhana bhukti. 187 

Place-names ending in Vlthi 


It is spelt both as vlthi and vlthl and means a row, 
line, road, way or street. 188 But in the inscription it has been 
used to refer to an administrative division. It seems to have 
been smaller than a visaya (district) and bigger than a man- 
dala. 189 

We find only one name with this suffix in one inscription 
which is given below : 

Daksinamsaka-vithi (No. 28, L. 1) : 

Literally it means 'a road forming the southern part' of the 
city. It seams to have formed part of the Pundravardhana 
district and Nagirattamandala was included in it. 19 

Place-names with the suffix Patha 

Patha (footpath) 

'Patha' in Zend. The Sanskrit spelling (th) is loaned from 
Iran. Greek relatives are patos (path) and pontos (mariners' 
path, sea-route : sea). Initial p is dropped in old Irish : 
pathin (path) and pons (bridge) recur as ath (ford)'. Russian 
pant (path) and pent (ford). 19 i 


Monier Williams derives it from \/par\th to go, to move. 
It means a way, path, a road or route. 192 In the Samaranga- 
Tiasutradhara 193 we find the word 'Jangha-patha (foot-path)'. 
The suffix 'patha' has been used as early as the later Vedic 
period. 194 Originally patha meant 'a path', 'a road' but later on 
it came to denote 'a country'. Even now-a-days, the suffix 
*road' is used for inhabitations and localities. 

Following are the place-names ending in this suffix : 

(1) Adyapatha (No. 43, L. 23) : 

It was situated to the east of a village called Gulmagan- 
dhika. 195 Literally Adyapatha means 'the first route'. It seems 
to have been a small area like a mohalla. 

(2) Daksinapatha (No. I, L. 20) : 

According to inscription No. 1 all the kings of the region 
of the north were conquered by Samudragupta who attained 
great fame by liberating them. 196 The kingdoms specifically 
named as included in the southern region are : Kosala, Maha- 
kantara, Kurala, Pistapura, Kcttura, Erandapalla, KancI, 
Avamukta, VengI, Palakka, Devarastra and Kusthalapura. 197 
"The earliest epigraphical mention of the Daksinapatha is 
found in the Nanaghat Cave Inscription (Second half of first 
Century B. C.). 198 It later appears in the Junagarh Rock In- 
scription of Rudradaman (A. D. 150) 199 as also in the Nasik 
Cave Inscription of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (A.D. 149). 200 

Literally it means 'the path or road leading to the south' and 
in short the 'south country'. As a designation of the Deccan, 201 
the term is found as early as the Baudhayana Dharmasutra. 202 
A similar expression is Daksina pada, 'with southward foot', 
occurring in the Rgveda, 203 and refers to the place to which 
exiles are expelled. 204 Thus the term denoted 'South' beyond 
the limits of the recognised Aryan world. 

In the Buddhist literature originally the name seems to 
have been restricted to a remote settlement on the Upper 
Godavari. 205 Some hold that it was situated to the south of 
the Narbada and was identical with the Dakhinabades of the 

According to the Yadavaprakasa, Daksinapatha is the name 
of the country to the south of the Vindhyas and includes 
Pandya, Kuntala, Cola, Maharastra, Kerala, Kulya, Setuja, 


Kula.kalaka,lslka, Sahara, Aratta and other countries. 207 

Rajasekhara places it ahead of Mahismati. Countries situa- 
ted in it are : Maharastra, Mahisaka, Asmaka, Vidarbha, 
Kuntala, Krathakaisika, Surparaka, Kanci, Kerala, Kavera, 
Murala, Vanavasaka, Sirhhala, Coda, Dandaka, Pandya, Pallava,. 
Ganga, Nasikya, Konkana Kollagiri, Vallara, etc. 208 

Thus we see that Daksinapatha in later times came to 
represent more or less the whole of the south. 

Place-names with the suffix Pura 

Pur or Pura 
Pur is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rgveda. 209 The 

early Vedic Aryans were not city builders. Puras 210 which are 
mentioned from the context seem to have been always associ-" 
ated with the dasyus and the enemies of the Aryans. 211 Pura, 
the oldest Sanskrit word denoting city, is usually derived from 
the Dravidian ur. From what we read in the Rgveda about 
Puramdara's exploits in connection with the destruction of 
the ninety -nine puras of the Asuras who had been causing 
havoc to the gods, these puras seem to refer to the cities of 
the Indus Valley pre- Aryans. 212 But the -word ur is not availa- 
ble in Dravidian lexicons : on the contrary it is pura which is 
mentioned by them. 213 The word ur is not to be traced in the 
I.E. languages. 214 We find Ur only as the name of a town in' 
Babylonia. 215 In Tamil country, in the inscriptions of the 
Chola dynasty (A.D. 900-1300) the word 'wr' is used to 
refer to 'The Primary Assembly of the villagers' in the case of 
ordinary villages while in the same context the word Sabha is 
used in case of Agrahara villages, mostly tenanted by learned 
brahmanas. 21 * 

In the later Vedic literature 217 the word Pur meant 'rampart', 
'fort', or 'stronghold'. The meaning of Pura as 'city' developed 
later and was not at all in vogue in the Vedic literature. 

Lexicons define it as a place containing large buildings 
surrounded by a ditch and extending not less than one Kosa in 
length, if it extends for half that distance it is called a kheta; 
if less than that, a karvata or small market town, any smaller 
cluster of houses is called a grama or village. 218 The Sama- 



ranganasutradhara describes puras as being of three kinds 
Big, middle and small which have different measurements for 
their ditches, buildings, streets and road-ways. 219 The big one 
possesses a circumference of four thousand arcs, the middle of 
two thousand arcs and the small of one thousand arcs. 220 
T.Burrow derives pura from Vpri to fillPiparti 'fills': pur 'city': 
Lithuanian pilis (1 becomes r). 221 We find the word being spelt 
in two ways pur 222 and pura 223 Pur (city), from puru (much) 
and purna (full) means 'plentitude' or multitude of settlers. 
Similarly Greek polis (city) from poly (much) : Latin populus 
(population, people) from plenus (full), and English folk from 
full. Pur is the city and purusa the citizen. Greek polites 
(citizens), is preserved in politics (civic concerns), police (city 
administration), and cosmopolitan (citizen of the world) : 
Lithuanian pilis (fort, castle). 224 In modern times the word 
pura (from pura) is used for mohalla in India. It seems to be 
the result of Muslim contact. 225 

Pura, where it does not retain the original from pur, is 
changed into the following 226 : 

(a) War : as Purushapura, Peshawar; Nalapura, Narwar; 
Matipura, Madwar; Salwapura, Alwar; Candrapura, 

(b) Urs or ur, as Mayapura, Mayura; Simhapura, Singur; 
Juskapura, Zukur 

(c) Or, as Traipura, Teor; Candradityapura, Caindor 

(d) Ora, as Ilbalapura, Ellora 

(e) Ore, as Lavapura, Lahore 

(f) Ola, as Aryapura, Aihole 

(g) ar, as Kusumapura, Kumrar 
(h) aur, as Siddhapura, Siddhaur 

(i) Own, as Hiranyapura, Hindoun or Herdoun 

There are many names with the suffix Pura in the Asta- 
dhyayi, Patanjali's Mahabhasya and the Kasika. 227 The word 
Mahapura in the Yajurveda Sarhhitas 228 and the Brahmanas 229 
denotes a great fortress. Probably the only difference between 
the Pur and Mahapura was in their size. 230 

Following are the place-names ending in the suffix pura: 

(1) Ajapura(No.l2, L.25) : 
In Inscription No. 12, we find the mention of the town of Aja- 


pura. The name of the visaya of which it was a part has been 
damaged. Since the column bearing the inscription was origi- 
nally found in front of the northern gate of the old fort of 
Bihar, 231 we can easily identify Ajapura with the modern vill- 
age of the same name in the Rajagrha visaya which is not very 
far from Nalanda. 232 The name of the visaya which included 
this town can possibly be restored as Rajagrha in the damaged 
part of the inscription. 

(2) CWra/?wra 233 (No.l6, L.5) : 

It is the name of Indrapura. See Indrapura. 

(3) Dasapura (No. 17, L.4, L.I 6) : 

In this inscription L.4 refers to the migration of a guild of silk- 
weavers from Lata visaya (Central and Southern Gujarat) to 
the city of Dasapura. The guild came to this city attracted by 
the virtues of its kings. 234 The inscription refers itself to the 
reign of king Kumaragupta, under whom Bandhuvarman, the 
son of Visvavarman 235 was the governor at Dasapura. L. 16 of 
the inscription records that it was under the governorship of 
Bandhuvarman (in Malava era 493-=A.D. 437) 236 , that a lofty 
temple of the Sun-god was caused to be built by the guild of 
silk-cloth weavers at Dasapura. 237 Afterwards, under other 
kings, part of this temple fell into disrepair. And then it was 
restored by the same guild in the year 529 of the Malava era 

Dasapura has been identified with Mandasor in Western 
Malwa 239 formerly in the Gwalior State. The ancient Dasapura 
stood on the north or left bank of the Siwana, a tributary of 
the river Sipra. 240 We also find it mentioned in the Mandasor 
Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Adityavardhana (A.D. 
490-500). 241 Under the Imperial Guptas the use of the Malava 
or the Krta era seems to have been confined to Dasapura. 242 
Thus Dasapura may have been the main city of the Western 
Malavas. We also get a reference to Dasapura in the Brhat- 
samhita 243 and the Meghaduta 244 of Kalidasa. 

The ancient Sanskrit name Dasapura also occurs in an early 
Nasik inscription of Usavadata, 245 and in one inscription of 
Vikram Samvat 1321 (=A.D. 1264) from Mandasor itself. 246 

There are two explanations of the name Dasapura or Dasor. 
The local explanation is that the place was originally a city of 



the Puranic king Dasaratha. But, on this view, the name of the 
city should have been Dasarathapura or Dasarathore. Fleet 
points out that even now, the township includes some twelve 
to fifteen outlying hamlets or divisions (Khilcipur, Jankupura, 
Rampuriya, Candrapura, Balaganja, etc.) and that 'when it was 
originally constituted, it included exactly ten (dasa) such ham- 
lets (pura)'. 247 This view of Fleet is more appealing. 

Mandasor, the full form of the name of the town by which 
it is officially known and which is entered in maps, is also 
explained in two ways: 

As suggested by Bhagwan Lai Indraji, it may represent 
Manda-Dasapura, "the distressed or afflicted Dasapura," referr- 
ing to the overthrow of the town, and the destruction of the 
Hindu temples in it, by the Musalmans, in memory of which, 
even to the present day, the Nagar brahmanas of the area do 
not drink water there. This is supported by the fact that some 
pandits still call it Mannadasor. 248 

F.S. Growse suggests that the name combines the two 
names of Mad and Dasapura: the former 249 being the name of 
a village (also called Afzalpur) about eleven miles south-east of 
Mandasor, from which, it is said, were brought, from ruined 
Hindu temples, the stones that were used in the construction 
of the Musalman fort at Mandasor. 250 

It is very difficult to choose between the two explanations, 
but the second seems to be more reasonable. 

(4) Indmpum (No. 16, L.5, L.6, L.7, L.8) : 
The inscription states that an endowment was given by a brah- 
mana named Devavisnu for the maintenance of a lamp in a 
temple of the Sun established by the merchants of the town of 
Indrapura ksatriyas named Acalavarman and Bhrukunthasimha 
at Indrapura. 

In line 5 we get 'Candrapuraka-Padma' as the reading 
taken by Fleet 251 and he thus considers it a separate town than 
Indrapura. 252 But the correct reading should be as 'Cendra- 
puraka-Padma', since we find a small stroke by the left side of 
V. The stroke in other lines for 'e' is very clear (e.g. in L.2) 
though it is not very clear in L.5 still we cannot read it simply 
V. The reading 'ce' for V has been suggested by Sircar and 
Jajiannath. 253 Thus we see that the Padma referred in line 5 


of this inscription also belongs to Indrapura. 

Now we find two different spellings of Indrapura in lines 5 
and 6 and Indrapura in lines 7 and 8. 254 

What we can find out here is that the affix 'ka' in lines 5 
and 6 is very important which seems to have grammatically a 
succinct purpose here. The vrddhi of the first vowel T was 
desirable here as is also clear by the use of affix 'ka' in the 
Allahabad Inscription of Samudragupta. 255 So it is a weaker 
form of the affix 'ka', without vrddhi of the vowel in the first 
syllable. 256 The writer seems to have used the long vowel 
(with the last syllable of Indra) instead of vrddhi in the first 
syllable to avoid confusion between Aindrapura and Indrapura. 
We do not find any such example of the elongation of vowel 
in the classical Sanskrit literature though we find its rare use 
in Vedic literature. 257 So we shall translate 'Indrapuraka Pad- 
ma' as Tadma of (the town of) Indrapura and 'Indrapuraka- 
vanigbhyam' as 'merchants of (the town of) Indrapura'. This 
Indrapura is the same as modern Indor, 258 nearDibhai, Buland- 
shahr district, U.P. 259 The ancient town of Indrapura was 
situated on a large and lofty mound about five miles to the 
north-west of Dibhai. 260 Now-a-days it is only a kheda or deser- 
ted mound, and is not shown in maps 261 

(5) Kartrpura (No.I, L.22) : 

Though the most accepted and correct reading is Kartrpura, 
some scholars prefer to read Katripura 262 or Katripura. 263 

It is one of the five frontier kingdoms 264 mentioned in the 
inscription whose kings did homage and paid tribute to Samu- 
dragupta. Scholars differ in their views about the identification 
of this place-name : 

According to smith, 265 this kingdom 'occupied the lower 
ranges of the western Himalayas, including probably Kumaon, 
Garhwal, and Kangra'. Oldham 266 holds that the kingdom of 
Katripura, included Kumaun, Almora, Garhwal and Kangra. 
Fleet 267 suggests that the name may survive in Kartarpur in 
the Jullundur district. 

We prefer the view of DaSaratha Sharma. 268 His conten- 
tion is that amongst the five frontier kingdoms mentioned in 
the inscription, the first three belong to the East, the fourth 
one belongs to the North, hence it will be better to leave aside 


the northern and eastern sides of the empire and to look for 
Kartrpura somewhere to the west of the Gupta dominions. 
Consequently he finds Karor or Karur to be a good equivalent 
for Kartrpura. 269 Kara here stands for Kartr and 'ur' or *ur' 
would stand here for pura. 270 Karur, again, is to be perferred 
to the other alternatives on account of its associations with the 
Gupta period of Indian History. According to Al-Beruni, an 
eastern king, called Vikramaditya, put to flight and killed a 
Saka ruler in the region of Karur, between Multan and Loni. 271 
This Vikramaditya is to be identified with Candragupta II 
'the enemy of the Sakas', who disguised as his brother's wife, 
DhruvasvaminI, 'ripped upon the belley of the Saka ruler', 
and destroyed the Saka army, most probably, in Kartrpura or 
Karur. 272 

This was the first encounter between the Sakas and Vikrama- 
ditya, and Karur, Karor, or Kartrpura was the theatre of the 
war because of its intermediate position between the Saka 
dominions and the Gupta empire. 273 

(6) Kripura (No. 52, L. 1) : 

Krlpura was the place from which Vainyagupta issued his land- 
grant in A.D. 507-08, was evidently the seat of his govern- 
ment. 274 It was the victorious camp full of great ships and 
elephants and horses (situated). 275 The place is of unknown 
identity, 276 but is possibly to be looked for in Bengal. 277 
Literally the name can mean a 'market-town'. 

(7) Kusthalapura (No. I, L. 20) : 

Kusthalapura ruled by Dhananjaya is mentioned as one of 
the Daksinapatha kingdoms subdued by Samudragupta. Smith 
takes it to be a mistake for Kusasthalapura, 278 and identifies 
it with the holy city of Dwarka, the capital of Anartta, i. e. 
North Gujarat. 279 Raj Bali Pandey also identifies it with 
Kusasthall (Dwarka). 280 G. Ramdas locates the place in 
Gujarat following Smith. 281 Monier Williams also indentifies 
Kusasthala with the town of Dwarka. 282 Bhandarkar, follow- 
ing Barnett identifies the place with Kuttalur near Polur in 
North Arcot. 283 

This Kusasthall is not situated in Gujarat but presumably on 
the eastern spurs of the Vindhya range near Daksinakosala. 284 
It was the capital of KuSa, son of Ramacandra. 285 But its 


position in the list of the States of Daksinapatha indicates a 
place a little more to the south. 

By the process of Haplology, 286 Kusasthalapura is simpli- 
fied into Kusthalapura which may be changed to Kusasthali 
or Kusavati in short. 

The suffix sthala or sthall is significant : it suggests a high- 
lying country, an eminence, tableland, or dry-land as opposed 
to a damp low-land. 287 The Mahabharata, Harivamsa, early 
Jain and Pali literature use the word in this sense. 288 The 
Mahabharata mentions both Kusasthala as well as kusa-sthall. 
The latter is supposed to be another name of Dwarka. 289 

(8) Pataliputra (No. 7, L. 12; No. 6, L. 4; No. 1, L. 14) : 
It is the same as modern Patna situated to the south of the 
river Ganga. Inscription No. 7 refers to Pataliputra. Inscrip- 
tion No. 6 mentions Virasena, the child of Kutsa, the minister 
for peace and war under Candragupta II, who knew the mean- 
ings of the words, and logic, and (the ways of) mankind, 
who was a poet and who belonged to (the city of) Patali- 
putra. 290 Inscription No. 1 mentions a city named Puspa 
where Samudragupta enjoyed playfully while he was young. 291 
Apparently, the city was the Gupta capital. We also find the 
word Pataliputa (Pataliputra) used by Asoka, in his rock 
edicts. 292 The city was also known as Kusumapura due to the 
abundance of flowers. 293 Its name Puspapura is also met with 
in the Raghuvamsa. 294 It is mentioned in the Mudraraksasa 
as well. 295 The Kathasaritsagaraof Somadeva 296 (llth century) 
describes it as a place of both wealth and education though 
generally there is a fight between Sri (laksml) and Sarasvatl. 297 

The Kavyamiinamsa of Rajasekhara (A.D. 900) mentions a 
tradition that there were assemblies of scholars called brahma- 
sabhas, organised by kings, which examined poets like Kalidasa, 
Bhartrmantha, Amara, Rupa, Aryasura, Bharavi and Candra- 
gupta in Visala(Ujjainl) and where such great masters of gram- 
mar as Upavarsa, Panini, Pirigala, Vyadi, Vararuci and 
Patanjali were examined in Pataliputra and attained fame. 298 

The Manjusrimulakalpa 299 (A.D. 800) mentions Patali- 
putra as Nandanagara. This work refers to king Nanda, his 
learned Council of brahmana philosophers and to his intimacy 
with Panini. "After him (Surasena) there will be king Nanda 


at Puspa city. In the capital of the Magadha residents there 
wiJJ be brahmana controversialists and the king will be surroun- 
ded by them. The king will give them riches. His minister was 
a Buddhist brahmana, Vararuci, who was of high soul, kind 
and good. His great friend was a brahmana, Panini by 
name". 300 

The Kasika 301 records two divisions of Pataliputra : 

1. Purva-Pataliputra (eastern on the Ganga) 

2. Apara-Pataliputra (western on the Sona) 
Patanjali 302 mentions the western Pataliputra. A citizen 

of Pataliputra was called Pataliputraka. 303 

The city is named as Palibothra by Megasthenes, the Am- 
bassador of Seleucus Nicatorat the court of King Candragupta 
Maurya. 304 The Pala inscriptions refer to it by the name 
Srinagara. 305 

The termination 'Putra' in Pataliputra is difficult to 
explain. We find it being used with 'Bratfman' to denote 
the river 'Brahmaputra'. As regards places-names we find the 
mention of Satiya puta (Satiya-putra) and Kerala-puta (Kerala 
putra) in Asokan Rock-edicts. 306 

The name Pataliputra is taken to mean "the son (putra) of 
Patali, i. e. the trumpet flower. The words Puspapura and 
Kusumapura also mean 'a city of flowers'. The word 'Srlnag- 
ara' means 'a beautiful city. 307 Because of the abundance of 
flowers the city may have looked beautiful. It was known by 
other names also, viz., Puspapura, Puspapuri and Kusumapura. 308 
According to Yuan-Chwang, it had been called Kusumapura 
(K' u-su-mo-pu-lo) on account of the numerous flowers (kus- 
uma) in the royal enclosure. 309 Later its glory was replaced by 
that of K any akubja which came to be known as Kusumapura. 310 

The meaning of 'Pataliputra' is explained in the legendary 
origin of the city. According to the legend : there was a 
brahmana of high talent and singular learning. Many flocked 
to him to receive instruction. One day all his students went 
out on a tour of observation. One of them looked very sad. 
When asked, he told that his life was waning without any 
company. In a joke his friends made the Patali tree, under 
which they were standing, his father-in-law : in other words 
he was to marry the daughter of the tree, or a Patali flower 


(Bignonia Suaveolens). 311 As the Sun was about to set, all 
- the students proposed to return home but the young student 
fascinated by love stayed there fearlessly. Accidentally, next 
day he was married with the young daughter of an old couple. 
After a year his wife gave birth to a son. He declined to stay 
there fearing the exposure to wind and weather. But the 
old man (the father of the wife) constructed a house for him 
and made him stay there. When the old capital of Kusuma- 
pura was changed, this town was chosen, and "as the genie 
built the mansion for the youth the country was named as 
Pataliputrapura (the city of the son of the Patali tree)." 312 

It is not unlikely that originally the name of the city was 
Pataliputrapura and that later suffix Pura was dropped. 

The Buddhist literature informs us that Pataliputra was 
originally a village known as Pataligama. Ajatasatru is said 
to have fortified it in order to check the attacks of the Licc- 
havis who often harassed its inhabitants. The Buddha on his 
way from Rajagrha to Vaisali, passed through this village 
on his last journey and is said to have predicted that the village 
was destined to become a great city. 313 

The Vayu-Purana attributes the real foundation of Patali- 
putra to Raja Ajata-Satru's grandson, Udaya or Udayasva. 
It was he who first removed the capital from Rajagrha to 
Pataliputra (during the last part of the 6th century B. c.) 314 

Pataliputra had closely been associated with multifarious 
political and cultural activities right from the fifth century 
B.C. to the later part of the sixth century A.D. 315 It had the 
honour to be the capital of the Saisunagas, the Nandas, the 
Mauryas and the great Imperial Guptas uptil the Huna inva- 
sion in the 6th century A.D. when it was ruined. Harsavardhana 
(7th century A. D.) made no attempt to restore it. 316 Sasanka 
Narendragupta destroyed many Buddhist temples and monas- 
teries at Pataliputra. 317 Dharmapala, the most powerful of 
the Pala kings of Bengal and Bihar, tried to restore its glory. 318 

Coming to medieval times, we find that it remained deserted 
for a number of centuries. It was Sher Shah, who, in about 
A. D. 1541 occupied it again as a royal city and built a fort 
there. It then came into importance under its modern name 
Patna (from Skt. Pattana) i. e. the town or city. It is even now 



the capital of Bihar. 319 

(9) Pistapura (No. 1, L. 19) : 

It has been mentioned as one of the southern regions which 
were first captured and then liberated by Samudragupta. 320 
Mahendragiri is mentioned as its king. Pistapura is the same 
as the fortress Pistapura captured by the Calukya king 
PulakeSin II. The Tandivada grant of Prthivi Maharaja also 
refers to Pistapura. 321 Pistapura is modern Pithapuram in the 
Godavari district of the Madras Presidency. 322 It was the 
capital of Kalinga. 323 'Kalingadhipati' Anantavarman issued 
a grant 324 from the victorious city of Pistapura. This grant 
records that Anantavarman's grandfather Gunavarman ruled 
over Devarastra with Pistapura as its chief city. 325 In our 
inscription Devarastra 326 has been treated separately. It seems 
that during Samudragupta' s time these two States (Devarastra 
and Kalinga) were separate states but later on under Gunavar- 
man they were amalgamated. 

Guha ruled over the whole of Kalinga and the neighbour- 
ing regions. 327 Guha belonged to the Salankayana family of 
brahmanas. Samudragupta installed him as his viceroy in 
Kalinga. 328 Guha was already reigning over Kalinga (with his 
capital at Pistapura) when Samudragupta conquered him and 
placed him as his feudatory. 'Mahendragiri' may have been 
another name given to him on account of the extension of 
his dominion over the Mahendra mountain. 329 It is interesting 
to note that Kalidasa 330 refers to Raghu defeating a king 
named Mahendranatha in the course of his southern campaign. 
It is tempting to connect Mahendranatha with Mahendragiri. 
After the victory of Samudragupta, Guha was confirmed in 
the enjoyment of sovereignty under the imperial tutelage. 331 

At Pistapura there is a Vaisnava temple named Kunti- 
madhava. 332 We get references to Pistapuri or PistapurikadevI, 
a form at Manapura, of the goddess Laksm I, in the inscriptions 
of the Privrajaka Maharajas and the Maharajas of Uccakalpa 
during the Gupta period. 333 This must be a local form of some 
popular goddess at Pistapura itself. 334 


Place-names ending in the Suffix Nagara 

Nagara : 

Nagara means a town, a city. 335 we find the term being 
used by Panini (IV. 2. 142). 336 The word Nagaraka (or 
Nagarika) 337 also occurs in Sanskrit literature as standing for 
'an inhabitant of a town' but sometimes its use was restricted 
for the chief of a town or a police-officer. In modern times 
nagarika is used to refer to 'a citizen of a state whether living 
in city or village'. 

In the early Vedic literature Nagara is found only as the 
derivative adjective Nagarin, used as a proper name, but it 
appears in the sense of 'town' in the Taittirlya Aranyaka (1.11, 
18:31,4) and frequently in the later works. 338 

Nagara is an important factor which helps us to distinguish 
Janapada from rastra : nagara forms a part of the rastra but 
is excluded from the Janapada. 339 Samara nganasutradhara 
uses Nagara and Pura as synonyms. 340 It is significant that 
the word Nagara is of late occurrence. 341 It is likely 
that in the early Vedic times city life does not seem to have 
developed much. In the Epic, 342 there are references ta 
Nagara, 'a city' : Grama 'Village' : and Ghosa 'ranch'. Vedic 
literature especially of the earlier period is generally confined 
to the village. The siege of puras is mentioned in the Samhitas 
and Brahmanas. 

The word Nagara is changed into : 343 

(a) Nar as Kusmagara, Kusinar, Girinagara, Girnar 

(b) Ner as Jlrnanagara, Jooner. 

In modern times the suffix nagara is sometimes used to 
denote an inhabitation or Mohalla e. g. Tilak Nagar, Subhash 
Nagar, Patel Nagar, Jawahar Nagar, Lajapat Nagar. 

We do not find any place-name with the suffix 'nagara' in 
our records but with a little change in the same sense with the 
suffix nagarl, which is given below : 

Pancanagan (No. 44, L. 1) : 

It was the chief town of the district, where Kulavrddhi's Court 
was situated. 344 D. C. Sircar considers it to be modern Panc- 
bibi in the Bogra District and the same as Pentapolis of 
Ptolemy. 345 



Pancanagari literally means 'a multitude of five towns'. 
Five small localities might have been collected into one for the 
smoothness of administration. 

Place-names ending in Nauyoga 

Nauyoga : 

Literally meaning 'a place for parking boats' it signifies 'a 
harbour'. Following are the place-names which have been term- 
ed as 'nauyoga' or harbour. 

1. Cudamani (No. 52, L. 28) : 

Literally meaning 'a jewel worn by men and women on the top 
of the head' it denotes 'the best or most excellent'. 347 Com- 
bined with its epithet nauyuga, Cudamani signifies 'the best 
of harbours'. 

2. Nagarasri(No. 52, L. 28) : 

Literally Nagarasn means 'the glory of the town'. Combined 
with its epithet nauyoga it means 'the harbour of Nagarasri'. 
It seems to have been an important part of the town. 

3. Praddmara (No. 52, L. 29) : 

It has also been described as a nauyoga. 348 The meaning of 
Pradamara is difficult to explain. It seems to be the Sanskri- 
tised form of the Prakrit Padamara, i.e. a place where clothes 
or tents are found in abundance or it may signify 'a harbour of 
"pala-boats". 34 9 

Place-names ending in Kataka 

Kataka : 

It is formed from the root Vkat to surround, to encompass, 
to cover and means a 'royal camp'. 350 

There is only one such place-name with the suffix 'Kataka* 
which is as follows : 

Kataka (No. 29, L. 12) : 

The first part is not clearly legible. Sircar takes it to be 
bhratri 351 but does not seem to be correct as it yields no 
sense with the word Kataka. The donated land is mention- 
ed to have been given to the Chandoga (Samavedin) brah- 
mana Varaha-svamin, an inhabitant of this Kataka. 352 


Place-names ending in Vasaka 

Vasaka : 

It means an abode or inhabitation. 353 An inhabitation can be 
big or small. In referring to a big inhabitation it denotes a city. 
Following are the names with this suffix : 

(1) Anandapuravasaka^* (No. 40, L. 1) : 

It has been mentioned as a camp of victory. Anandapura lite- 
rally means 'a city of pleasure'. It has not been identified so 

(2) Ayodhya (No. 21, L. 1 ; No. 37, L. 6 ; No. 39, L. 10) : 
In No. 21 the word 'Ayodhya-Vasaka' occurs 355 while in No. 37 
and 39 the word 'Ayodhyaka' has been mentioned. In No, 21, 
Ayodhya is described as a victorious camp, full of great ships, 
and elephants and horses. In No. 39 certain brahmanas belong- 
ing to Ayodhya, living in the vicinity of Mahadeva Sailesvara 
are named and are mentioned as belonging to various gotras 
and caranas, and as proficient in observants, in sacred duty, 
in the mantras, the sutras, bhasyas and pravacanas. 356 

It has been venerated as one of the most important and 
holy places of the Hindus. 357 Vinlta was another name for 
this city. 358 Its other names including Vinla (Vinlta) are men- 
tioned in the Vividhatlrthakalpa. 359 Fa-Hsien calls it Sha-che 
and Ptolemy knew it as Sogeda. 360 Ayodhya and Saketa have 
been treated by many writers as being identical. Csoma de 
kbros 361 calls this place as "Saketan or Ayodhya" and H.H. 
Wilson in his dictionary, refers to Saketa as 'the city of 
Ayodhya'. Several passages in the Raghuvamsa 362 confirm it. 
The Vividhatlrthakalpa mentions Sakeyam (Saketa) as a 
synonym for Ayodhya, 363 but in the Buddhist literature we find 
separate references to Ayodhya and Saketa which creates 
doubt about their identity and suggests that the two existed 
separately. 364 V. Pathak quotes a well known verse occurring 
in the Yuga Purana, a section of Gargi Sarhhita, 365 to show 
that Saketa is the same as Ayodhya. But there is nothing in 
the passage to support the view. 

The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in the 
Ramayana as situated on the banks of the Sarayu or Sarju 
river. 366 During the Buddhist period, Ayodhya was divided into 



Uttara (Northern) Kosala and Daksina (Southern) Kosala. 
The river Sarayu was the dividing line between the two pro- 
vinces. Ayodhya was the capital of the latter. 367 Ancient 
tradition believes it to have been built by Manu. 368 

The history of Kosala, with its mighty King Prasenajit and 
his son Vidudabha pales into insignificance with the emergence 
of the Magadhan rulers as powerful antagonists. The Nandas, 
followed by the Mauryas, assimilated Kosala in their empire. 
Under the Sungas, it was being ruled by a viceroy. An inscrip- 
tion from Ayodhya mentions Pusyamitra as having performed 
two horse-sacrifices. Under the Kusanas, the city remained 
more or less in oblivion. Subsequently in the Puranas it figures 
along with Prayaga and Magadha as forming part of 
the kingdom of the Guptas. The spurious Gaya Plate of 
Samudragupta (No. 21) mentions it as a seat of a Gupta 
camp of victory. The history of the city in the post- 
Gupta period is wrapped up in obscurity. It was within the 
empire of the Pratiharas and Gahadavalas of Kanauj. Ayodhya 
is described by Muslim historians 369 to have been a wilder- 

The Slaves and Khilji rulers held sway over it, and subse- 
quently it received importance as the headquarters of Oudh. 
It was under the charge of Muslim governors appointed from 
Delhi, but with the emergence of Jaunpur as a strong kingdom 
Ayodhya was completely over-shadowed. It was a mint-town 
in the time of Akbar, but there is no reference to it in later 
Chronicles. 3 

Ayodhya is important as a centre of pilgrimage. There are 
several places in the city connected with different events in the 
life of Rama. Rama was born at a place called Janmasthana. At 
Chlrodaka also called Chlrasagara, Dasaratha performed, with 
the help of Rsyasrnga Rsi, the sacrifices for obtaining a son. 
At a place called Treta-ka-Thakur, Ramacandra performed the 
horse sacrifice by setting up the image of Sita. At Ratnaman- 
dapa, he held his Council, 371 at Swargadwaram in Fyzabad, 
his body was burnt. At Laksmana-kunda, Laksmana disappeared 
in the river Sarayu. Dasaratha accidentally killed Sravana, 
the blind Rsi's son, at Majhaura in the district of Fyzabad. 372 
Ayodhya engaged the attention of the Muslim rulers some of 


whom set up mosques here, of these the mosques of Babar and 
and Aurangzeb are notable. 373 At present this city forms a 
part of the district of Fyzabad. 

(3) Isvaravasaka (No.5, L. 6) 374 : 

It seems to be a village or an allotment of land granted by 
Amrakarddava, the son of Undana, and apparently an officer 
of Candragupta II to the Aryasarhgha at the great vihara of 
Kakanadabota for the purpose of feeding mendicants. 375 The 
word Tsvara here is connected with Vasaka and there is no infix 
or place-namt suffix in between (just as 'pura' in Anandapura- 
vasaka). Hence vasaka here has a double purpose. It is mean- 
ingful to Tsvara and also denotes the inhabitation. The whole 
will literally mean 'an inhabitation of God'. 

Place-names ending in Vana 

We find some place-names with the suffix denoting forest, for 
example Vindhyatavi, and Vrndavana. In our inscriptions we 
come across only three such names, Tumbavana and Vindha- 
tavi, and Mahakantara. The suffixes vana, atav! and kantara 
are synonyms. These are described below : 

1. Tumbavana (No. 30, L. 6) : 

It has been identified with Tumain in Guna district, the old 
Gwalior State, now in Madhya Pradesh. It is also mentioned 
in the Sand Stupa inscription. 376 The Brhatsamhita 377 refers 
to it as situated in the South. 

The name suggests that Tumba, the gourd Lagenaria vul- 
garis was in abundance at this place. 

2. Mahakantara (No. 1, L. 19): 

It is one of the southern countries subdued by Samudragupta. 
Its ruler was Vyaghraraja. Literally Mahakantara means *a 
great forest'. It has to be distinguished from Sarvatavi referred 
to later on in this inscription. 378 According to Krishnaswami 
Aiyangar, 379 it must have included the Saugar division of C.P. 
extending northwards to the Ajaigadh State in Bundelkhanda. 
But G. Ramdas differs from this view on the ground that Maha- 
kantara must be sought in Southern India as it is specifically 
mentioned as one of the kingdoms of the South conquered 
by Samudragupta. He suggests that Mahakantara must be the 
same as Mahavana, a forest region extending northwards into 



Ganjam Agency and westwards into the tract formerly 
known as the Chatisgarh States of CP. 380 This very region has 
been mentioned by the same name in the Ganj and Nachna 
inscriptions. 381 

3. Vindhyatavl (No. 28, L. 25) : 

The name appears in one of the verses quoted from ancient 
Smrtis or the Mahabharata asking people to honour land grants. 
In the present case it is said that a man who violates the 
grant is born in the Vindhya forest as a serpent and resides in 
the dry hollow of a tree. 382 Vindhya forest is the belt of forest 
at the foot of the Vindhya mountain. 

Place-names ending in Grama 

Grama : 

It means an inhabited place, village, hamlet. 383 It seems 
that firstly the word grama denoted the collective inhabi- 
tants of a place, community or race. Later on this sense was 
transferred to an inhabitation and was used in the sense of a 
village. The earlier usage of this word, which occurs frequently 
from the Rgveda 384 onwards, appears to have been in the sense 
of a village. The early Aryans must have dwelt in villages which 
were scattered over the country, some close together, some far 
apart, and were connected by roads. 385 In the early Vedic 
literature village is regularly contrasted with the forest (aranya) 
in the evening the cattle regularly returned thither from the 
forest. 386 The villages were probably open, though perhaps a 
fort(pur) might on occasion be built inside. 387 Presumably they 
consisted of detached houses with enclosures, but no details 
are to be found in Vedic literature. Large villages (maha- 
gramah) were known. 388 The grama may, however, perhaps 
be regarded more correctly as an aggregate of several fami- 
lies, not necessarily forming a clan, but only part of a clan 
(vis), as is often the case at the present day. 389 The head of the 
village was called Gramani or 'the leader of the village'. The 
king's share in a village is referred to as early as the 
Atharvaveda. 390 

Villages played an important role as a unit of Rastra or 
city. 391 Kheta was the half of a city and the village was the 


half of a kheta. 392 Cities other than the capital are called 
Karvata, a little less is Nigama and lesser is grama and still 
lesser is a house. 393 

Grama is changed into gaon, 394 as Suvarnagrama, Sonar- 
gaon ; Kalahagrama, Kahalgaon. 

Following are the place-name with this suffix. We have also 
included here some place-names which are villages though they 
have not been termed as such with this suffix. 

(1) Bhadrapuskarakagrama (No. 4o, L. 5) : 

Bhadra means 'good or auspicious and Puskara (modern 
Pokhara) means 'a pond or lake'. So literally the name would 
mean 'a village possessing an auspicious or good pond'. It 
has not so far been identified. 395 

(2) Bharadidasamada (No. 39, L. 11) : 

It is the name of a village. The name of the place where the 
linga containing the inscription was found is said to be 
BharadhiDlh, 396 Bharadi of our inscription may also be com- 
pared with 'bharadiya' of the Sane! stupa inscription. 397 
Samada is possibly Samudra, an epithet for Siva. D.C. Sircar 
takes 'Samudra' to be the 'nam-aika-desa of a deity called 
Samudersvara' and suggests that the relevant passage is to be 
corrected as 'pdrago bhamdida-samudresvard 1 , 398 The meaning 
of the passage is difficult to explain. 

(3) Chandagrama (No. 33, L. 3) : 

The village is difficult to identify. 399 Canda is the Prakritic 
form of Candra 400 which means 'the moon'. Thus the village 
seems to have been named after the Moon-god. But Canda 
may also mean ferocious or turbulent and in that case it may 
have been so named because of its wild looks or its violent 

(4) Cltravatangara^ 1 (No. 43, L.24) : 

It is the name of a village. Citra means 'excellent' or distin- 
guished 402 and vatangara (from vatahkara) means 'producing 
wind'. Thus the whole will literally mean 'which produces ex- 
cellent wind or air'. The village might have been noted for its 
healthy and open atmosphere. 

(5) Donga-grama (No. 34, L.ll; No. 36. L.6): 

In No. 34 we get a reference to 'Donga', but in No. 36, the 
name appears as Donga-grama. 



The Donga-grama is said to have been situated in Himavac- 
Chikhara 403 identified with Barahachatra (Varahaksetra) in 
Nepal. 404 But scholars 405 are not right in co-relating Donga- 
grama with Himavac-Chikhara, Inscription No. 36 clarifies it. 
There is a long gap between the references to Himavac- 
Chikhara and Donga-grama. Actually Himavac-Chikhara is 
associated with Kokamukhasvamin (a form of the Boar incar- 
nation of Visnu) and Svetavarahasvamin where originally (adya) 
these gods were installed in a temple. The name Donga-grama 
is used for the place where the lands were donated by Rbhupala 
for the construction of the two temples having the names of the 
two deities. 406 The word 'adya' in L. 7 is significant and dis- 
tinguishes the temples at Himavac-Chikhara from those at 
Donga-grama. The writer had to use the word 'Himavac- 
Chikhara' again in L.10, with the names of Kokamukhasvamin 
and Svetavarahasvamin in order to avoid confusion between 
the temples at the two places. For the temple at Donga-grama 
the writer uses the word 'iha' in L.I 1. We also find the word 
'Himavac-Chikhara' absent in another Damodarpur Copper 
Plate Inscription of the Gupta Year 224 (=A.D. 543), where 
a person named Amrtadeva hailing from Ayodhya donates a 
land for the repairs and worship, etc., at the temple of Lord 
Svetavarahasvamin obviously because he was referring to the 
temple at Donga-grama and there was now, no question of any 
confusion or distinction. 407 Thus Dorigagrama does not seem 
to have any connection with Himavac-Chikhara. This village 
is to be located somewhere near Damodarpur and belonged to 
the Kotivarsa visaya as mentioned in the records. 408 But the 
village was most probably situated in a hilly area which is clear 
from the wrod Donga itself. 409 The word 'Atraranye' (local 
forest where the temple of Svetavarahasvamin was situated) in 
No. 37 also attests to it. 410 The village may have consisted of a 
few huts with bushes and trees all around or the place where 
the temples were situated was away from habitation. 

Thus the earlier suggestion that the Kotivarsa district 
included the hilly region bordering on the northern fringe of 
Bengal, 411 which was rejected by Sircar, 412 seems to be 

6. Gosatapunjaka (No. 28, L.2, L.8, L.15) : 


In line 2 of the inscription the reading is Gosatapunjaka while 
in lines 8 and 1 5 the reading is Gosatapunja. 

Gosata may be the same as gosala or a cow-stall 413 and 
punja means a multitude. 414 So the village may have consisted 
of a multitude, of cow-stalls and thus resembled ihe villages 
known as gohalis. 

7. Gulmagandhika (No. 43, LL.1-2, L.22) : 

It is the name of a village. It occurs once in lines 1-2 and twice 
in L.22. 41 * 

Gulma means *a cluster of trees' 416 and gandhika means 
'having the smell of'. 417 The whole will literally mean 'a place 
which is full of a cluster of trees having smell'. We may 
conjecture that the village originally possessed a few shrubs or 
small trees which produced fragrance. 

8. Gunekagraharagrama (No. 52, LL. 18-19, L. 21) : 

In lines 18-19 we get the reading 'Gunekagraharagrama while 
in line 21 the reading is Gunikagraharagrama. The two names 
are identical and are the same as modern Gunaighar, 18 miles 
to the north-west of Comilla, Tippera district Bengal, in East 
Pakistan 418 (now Bangla Desh). 

Sen considers it to have been a village-name ending with 
the term agrahara and suggests that from the standpoint of 
administration this division was more important and better 
developed than an ordinary grama. The expression gramagra- 
hara 419 or agraharagrama refers to 'a process of unification 
which some of the more fortunate villages underwent through 
pressure of administrative and economic necessities. 420 

Agrahara (Prakrit aggahara) was a village, 421 or consisted of 
fields which were given to brahmanas. 422 The agraharas en- 
joyed exemption from several taxes and had other administra- 
tive immunities. 

9. Jambudeva (No. 28, L. 2, LL. 7-8, L. 14) : 

It was the name of a village. It seems that this locality was 
named after a person named JambQdeva. 423 

10. Kakubha (No. 15, L. 5) : 

Inscription No. 15 informs us that five stone images of Adikar- 
tris or Tlrthamkaras were set up by Madra at the village of 
Kakubha. The village was sanctified by its association with 
holy men. 424 It was also known as Kakubhagrama, 42 5 the 



suffix grama seems to have been dropped in the present case. 
Kakubha is identified with modern Kahaum or Kahawan, a 
village about five miles to the west by south of Salampur- 
Majhauli, the chief town of the Salampur-Majhauli Pargana in 
the Deoria, Deoriya or Dewariya Tehsil or sub-division of the 
Gorakhpur district in Uttar Pradesh. The grey sandstone 
column on which the inscription is engraved stands at a short 
distance on the east of the village. 426 

J 1. Kdntedadaka grama (No. 52, L.7) : 

It was a village situated in the division called Uttaramandala. 427 
The name cannot be explained but the suffix 'dadaka' also 
appears in the name here and Nadadadakagrama mentioned in 
line 27 of this inscription. 

12. Nadadadaka grama (No. 52, L. 27) : 

It was situated in the Northern direction. 428 The name is 
difficult to explain. 

13. Lavahgasika (No. 37, L. 15) : 

It is the name of a village based on the Lavanga (Clove) tree. 
Philologically in Lavangasika one T has been dropped : the 
original and full form should have been 'Lavangalasika' i.e. 
* where Lavanga trees play'. 

14. Purnnandga grama (No. 40, L. 5) : 

The village belonged to a visaya called Krmila in Nalanda, 
Patna district, Bihar. Literally Purnnanaga means 'full of 
serpents' and in this respect the name may be compared 
with the name Krmila of the visaya which means 'full of Krmis 
or worms'. 

15. Revatika grama (No. 21, L.7) : 

The village was situated in Gaya visaya. 429 Revatika is to be 
identified with Reworu in the Tikari Police area of the Gaya 
district. 430 It may have been named after a species of plant 
(the citron tree or cathartocarpus fistula). 431 

16. Samgohalikagrdma (No. 43, L. 2, L. 20) : 
Sarhgohalika was the name of a village. In L.2 we get the form 
Sarhgohali, while in L. 20, it is mentioned as Samgohalika- 
grama. 432 Sircar takes the reading to bs 'Gulmagandhika- 
grama' in place of Sarhgohalikagrama. 433 But Samgohalika- 
grama is the correct form. We can compare Sarhgohali in L. 2 
of this inscription with the letters appearing in L.20. The first 


three letters are no doubt not fully legible, but the two remain- 
ing are surely 'lika'. Thus the name can never be Gulmagan- 
dhika, most probably it was Samgohalika. Moreover, the 
context of both the lines 20 and 2 is the same. 

The word gohall when joined with the suffix 'sarii' means 
'a good gohall'. In Inscription No. 28 the word gohall has in 
all cases been spelt with long T, i.e. gohall. 434 

17. Satuvanasramaka (No. 37, L. 16) : 

It is the name of a village. The suffixes vana and asrama are 
clear but the name cannot be explained due to the word 'Satu' 
the meaning of which is difficult to explain. 

18. Vatoddka* (No. 30, L. 4) : 

It is the name of a village. Vata is probably a Prakritic form of 
vrtta meaning 'surrounded or covered' 436 and the word udaka 
means 'water'. So the whole will literally mean 'a place sur- 
rounded by water'. It has been mentioned in the inscription as 
the abode of good people where lived a person, who bore the 
distinguished appellation Srideva. 437 

Vatodaka has been identified with Badoh which is a small 
village in the Bhilsa district of the old Gwalior State, now in 
Madhya Pradesh. 43 

(19) Vayigrama (No. 33, L. 9 ; No. 44, L. 2) : 
It has been identified with Baigram in the Bogra (Bagura) 
district of Bengal, now in Pakistan. 439 In Inscription No. 44 
two localities named Trivrta and Srlgohall are mentioned as 
included in Vaigrama. 440 

Vayi is a Prakritic form of vayu meaning air or wind 
and literally Vayigrama means e a village full of air'. We also 
know of a town named as Vayupura. 441 

Place-names ending in Palli 


The suffix palli, palli, pallaka or its diminutive pallika is 
derived from v x pal to go, to move. 442 It means a small village, 
(esp.) a settlement of wild tribes (e.g. Trisira-pallI=Trichin- 
opoly). 443 Palli has been used as meaning a den of thieves in 
the Uttaradhyanasutra and other Jain canonical texts, 444 the 
earliest portions of which are assigned to about 300 B.C. 445 



The Samarahganasutradhara by king Bhojadeva, an ele- 
venth century work, defines Palli thus : 

"Where Pulindas 446 live building their huts with leafs, 
branches and stones etc. is called Pall! and a small Palli is 
called Pallika". 447 

Its derivation from \/pa\ to go, to move, fits in very well as 
it was an inhabitation of Abhiras, thieves and barbarians who 
moved from one place to another and were usually in small 

It seems to be a Dravidian word loaned in Sanskrit. We 
find in Tamil, Malayalam and Kannada the word palli meaning 
hamlet, settlement, small village and in Telugu the words Palli 
and Palliya denoting 'a small village'. 448 

Palli 44 9 is changed into : 

(a) bal : Asapalll, Yessabal 

(b) Poli, as Trisirapalll (=TrishnapallI), Trichinopoly 

(c) oli, as AhalyapallT, Ahiroli (also Ahiari). 

We have only one place-name ending in this suffix, with 
a slight variation which is 'palla' and is detailed below : 

Erandapalla (No.I, L. 19) : 

It is mentioned in the list of countries of Southern region 
conquered by Samudragupta. Its ruler was Damana. Fleet 
identifies Erandapalla with Erandol in the E. Khandesh 
district of the Bombay Presidency. 450 K.N. Dikshit and Y.R. 
Gupte agreed with this view. 451 But according to Dubreuil and 
K.G. Sankar, it is the same as the town Erandpalli near 
Chicacole on the Coast of Orissa. 452 G, Ramdas opposes 
Fleet's identification on the ground that Erandapalli mentioned 
immediately after the kingdom of Svamidatta cannot be so far 
away on the western coast, it must have been in the vicinity 
of Kalinga and Pistapura kingdom. 453 Erandapalli is mentioned 
in the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman of Kalinga. 454 
Banerjee counts Damana of Erandapalla among the three 
chiefs of Kalinga who obstructed the passage of Samudragupta 
through their country. 455 

G. Ramdas 456 regards Dubreuil's identification also to 
be incorrect because Chicacole lies in Kalinga which was clearly 
the country ruled by Svamidatta. Erandapalli will have, there- 
fore, to be identified with the village Yendipalli in the Golgonda 


Taluka of the Vizagapatam district or with the village Endapalli 
in Elore Taluka. 457 But if we suppese that Svamidatta was 
the king of Kottura alone and not of the whole of Kalinga, 
ErandapallT may well be identified with Chicacole. 458 

Palla is the corrupt form of Palli which means an inhabitation 
and Eranda is the castor-oil-plant 459 It seems that the region 
abounded in eranda plants. 

Place-names ending in Gohall 


The word gohall is derived from Sanskrit gosala which is 
transformed into goal in Bengali. 460 It is generally spelt with 
long T i.e. as gohall, 461 but in No. 43 it has been spelt with 
short <i'. 462 This suffix has been used with the names of villages. 
These villages were known as gohalikas, 463 in a similar context 
the word pradesa is for villages which were not gohalls 464 
These villages were probably full of cowherds. In Assam such 
villages are known as goalpara. 

Following are the place-names with this suffix : 

1. Nitva-gohdll^ (No. 28. L. 3, L.9, L. 15) : 
The maning of Nitva is inexplicable. 

2. Srlgohall(No. 44, L. 2, L. 8. L.16) : 

This locality was connected with the village Vayigrama, i.e. the 
present Baigram. 466 The word 'Srlgohall' means 'a glorious or 
beautiful gohall'. Likewise we have a place name 'Srlnagara' 
in Kashmir which literally means (a glorious or beautiful city). 

3. Vata-gohall(No. 28, L. 2, L. 6, L. 7, L. 12, L. 14) : 

It was a village situated in the Palasatta Parsva within the 
Nagiratta mandala in the Daksinamsaka vlthl. It has been 
identified with the village of Goalbhita near Paharpur. 467 

Vata is perhaps the Prakritic form of vrtta meaning 'surro- 
unded, covered'. 468 The village may have been surrounded by a 
well or fence. On one hand we find another village named as 
'Trivrta', 469 and on the other Vata-nagara appears as the name 
of a town and Vatodaka as the name of a river. 470 

Place-names ending in Pdrsvika 


It means belonging to the side. 471 This suffix signifies the 



geographical situation of the locality with reference to another 

There is only one name with the suffix, Parsvika in our 
inscriptions which is given below : 

Palasotta-parsvika (No. 28, L. 2, L. 12): 

Palasatta may mean 'an atta 472 or turret of Palasa trees'. It 
is possible that there were many Palasa trees by the side of a 
hill and they may have formed a turret on the hill. The 
locality near such a situation may have been described as 

Place-names ending in Pataka 


Literally meaning 'a splittler or divider' it means the 
half or any part, or a kind of village. 473 Pataka is also the 
name of a land measure, 474 hence earlier pataka, padaga or 
pada may have denoted a large but private house, or settle- 
ment within a village. Gradually the village and sometimes 
the city also came to be called after it. 475 

There is only one name with this suffix in our inscriptions 
which is as follows : 

Svacchandapataka (No. 37, L. 15) : 

Svacchanda in this context may mean uncultivated or 
wild. 476 So it must be a kind of village with large tracts of 
barren land. 

Place-names ending in Pottaka 


Poitaka 477 means the site or foundation of a house. It 
may signify here an inhabitation or locality. 

We find only one name with the suffix 'pottaka' in our 
inscriptions which is given below : 

Prsthima-pottaka (No. 28, L. 2, L. 8, L. 14) : 

It seems to be a name based on the goegraphical situation 
of the place. Prsthima literally meaning situated on the back- 
side may here signify 'a neglected place'. 


Place-names ending in Vihdra 


Literally vihara means 'a place of recreation or pleasure- 
ground'. With Buddhists or Jains it means a monastery 
or temple, originally a hall where the monks met or walked 
about. Afterwards, these halls were used as assembly halls or 
places of worship. The modern province of Bihar or Behar is 
so named on account of the large number of Buddhist monas- 
teries in it. 478 

We have only one name with the suffix 'vihara' in our inscri- 
ptions which is given below : 

Lokottaravihara (No. 32, L.I 5) : 

Lokottara vihara was possibly the proper name of some local 
Buddhist monastery probably named after the Lokottaravadin 
sect of the Hinayana form of Buddhism. The Buddhist insti- 
tutions alluded to in this inscription where evidently situated at 
or in the neighbourhood of Mandasor where the inscription was 
found, although no place is mentioned in the record. 479 

Place-names ending in Ksetra 


Originally meaning an agricultural field, in which sense its 
use survives, ksetra came to be used as a place-name suffix 
as we find in the word Kuruksetra. As a suffix in com- 
position it signified simply a 'field' for the word preceding it. 
For example karma-ksetra, dharma-ksetra, rana-ksetra, siddha- 
ksetra, suresvarl-ksetra. 480 

The use of this word 481 in the Rgveda points clearly to the 
existence of separate fields 482 carefully measured off, 483 though 
in some passages the meaning is less definite, indicating culti- 
vated land generally. 484 In the Atharvaveda 485 and later, the 
sense of a separate field is clearly marked, though the more 
general use is also found. 486 The deity Ksetrasya Pati, 487 'Lord 
of the Field' should probably be understood as the god presid- 
ing over each field, just as Vastospati presides over each 
dwelling. 488 



Ksetra is changed into: 489 

(a) Chatra as Ahiksetra, Ahichatra 

(b) Cchatra as Ahiksetra, Ahicchatra. 

In Prakrit Ksetra changes to Khetta meaning *a land for 
agriculture', country, village and city, etc. 490 

Analogous to Khetta is the word 'kheda' or 'kheta' which 
means 'a city surrounded by rivers and mountains'. 491 'Kheta' 
meaning 'a small hamlet' is also found in Pantni (VI.2.126). 492 
The Samaranganasutradhara defines 'Kheta' as the half of a 
city and the grama as the half of a 'Kheta'. 493 According to 
Monier Williams Kheta means a village, residence of peasants 
and farmers, small town (half of a Pura). 494 

Lele 495 considers Kheta or Khetaka to be the dialectic form 
of the word 'Ksetra'. The original meaning of Khetaka or Kheta 
was an enclosure for cattle. In the course of time the pastoral 
camp grew into an agricultural village, and the word Khetaka 
came to include agricultural village. 496 

Here we collect the names of fields appearing in the inscri- 
ptions of our study. These names can be attributed to the 
names of individuals or gods. As the proper names are a part 
of the names of the fields, we treat them as place-names and do 
not discuss them in the context of personal-names. Some of 
the names sound curious and at places the readings are doubt- 
ful, the fascimile of the grant supplied by the editor being 
blurred. It is interesting to note that all these names occur 
in the same inscription, i.e. Gunaighar Grant of Vainya- 
gupta, year 188 (No. 52). Gunaighar formerly Gunikagra- 
hara, 497 is a village about 18 miles to the north-west of the 
town of Comilla, a mile and a half to the south west of the P.S. 
Debidvar in the district of Tippera which is modern Tripur. 498 
The area is predominated by Tibeto-Burman tribes. Hence 
some of the names are full of tribal vocabulary. 499 

J. Buddhaka-ksetra (No.52, L.25) : 

Buddhaka seems to be a Prakritic form of Sanskrit Vrddharka 
meaning 'an old or declining Sun'. 500 A field belongs to a 
person of this name or else the field was a place of Sun- 

2. Kalaka-ksetra (No. 52, L.25) : 


It is a Prakritic form of Sanskrit Kalarka, 501 i.e. the dreadful 
Sun at the time of the destruction of the whole world. The 
field may be connected with Sun-worship. Another alternative 
is that it was the property of a man with this name. 

3. Khandaviduggurika-ksetra (No. 52, L.26) : 

The name is a little puzzling. Its possible Sanskrit form may 
be 'khandavidhugrahika-ksetra', i.e. a field belonging to a per- 
son who is the owner of house in the shape of half-moon. 

4. Jolan-ksetra (No.52, L.24) : 

Jolari seems to be a feminine name. The word Jola is a Dravi- 
dian word meaning a water-course or river. 502 Jolari may have 
been a fisher-woman and the field belonged to her. 

5. Mahipala-ksetra (No.52, L.25) : 

This field seems to have belonged to a person named Mahipala 
literally meaning 'a protector of the country', i.e. a king. 

6. Manibhadra-ksetra (No.52, LL.26-27) : 

This field belongs to Manibhadra literally meaning 'the excell- 
ent jewel'. Manibhadra has been the name of a brother of 
Kubera and king of the Yaksas (the tutelary deity of travel- 
lers and merchants). 503 

7. Miduvilala-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) : 

The field belonged to Miduvilala. The word Midu is a Prakritic 
form of Sanskrit Mrdu 504 which means soft, delicate or beauti- 
ful. Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo 505 takes Vilala, Birala, Bidala, 
Bilada and Bilala as synonymous words meaning 'a cat'. Ac- 
cording to Bhattacharya 'the word vilala is evidently derived 
from vila with its peculiar meaning (a large watery hollow) 
current in Bengal. 506 D.C. Sircar takes it to be a mechanic 
caste like vardhaki (carpenter). 507 We find the word Vilala 
occurring thrice in the Gunaighar grant (No.52) which has 
been translated by the editor of the grant as follows : 

(a) Miduvilala-ksetra (L. 19): The field of Miduvilala 

(b) Pakkavilala-ksetra (LL.21-22) : The field of Pakkavilala 

(c) Ganesvara-Vilala-Puskarini (L.28) : the large marshy 
pond of Ganesvara. 

All the three names have been explained according to their 
context in this work. 

In (a) and (b) the editor takes vilala as a part of the names 
Midu and Pakka but in (c) he translates vilala as 'a large 



marshy (place)'. The editor should have taken either Miduvi- 
lala and Pakkavilala as the adjectives of the fields as in (c) or 
Vilala as an adjective of Ganesvara and not that of Puskarinl. 
Vilala seems to be a part of the names Miduand Pakka which 
if left alone yield no meaning, but in the case of Ganesvara 
vilala, the word vilala seems to be an adjective of the name 
Ganesvara rather than a part of it. Here the word vilala seems 
to indicate a professional caste. It is a Dravidian word. 508 The 
whole sense of the name 'Miduvilala' is not clear. 

8. Nakhaddarccarika-ksetra (No. 52, L. 23) : 

The expression means the field of Nakhaddarccarika.The word 
Nakhaddarccarika is a puzzle but it can be possibly explained 
as the worshipper of Naksatras, i.e. an astronomer. 509 Naksa- 
tra changes to nakkhatta 510 in Prakrit. Nakha and nakkha are 
identical, 511 tta in nakkhatta changes to dda in sandhi here. The 
word 'arccarika' means a 'worshipper'. 512 Stars were regarded 
as deities to whom regular worship (bhakti) was shown. The 
names based on stars were unknown in Vedic literature but 
became popular in the time of Panini and later. 513 

9. Nagi-jodaka-ksetra (No. 52, L. 24) : 

The word NagI seems to be a feminine name of the Naga tribe 
meaning simply *a naga woman'. The word Jodaka means a 
Yugma (two). 514 So the whole will literally mean 'the field of 
two Nagis'. 515 

10. Pakkavilala-ksetra (No. 52, LL. 21-22) : 

The expression means field of Pakkavilala. The word Pakka 516 
means a barbarous tribe, a candala. Vilala has already been. 
explained. 517 

11. Raja-vihara-ksetra (No. 52. L. 22): 

The field belonging to the royal vihara or monastery. Literally 
Vihara means "a place of recreation, pleasure-ground." With 
Buddhists or Jains it means a monastery or temple, originally 
a hall where the monks met or walked about. Bfterwards these 
halls were used as temples. The province of Bihar ar Behar 
is also so named because of the number of Buddhist monaste- 
ries in it. 518 

12. Surlnasirampurniieka-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) : 

The field of Surlna&rampurnneka or the Surinaslrampurnneka 
field. The name is inexplicable. 


13. Suryya-ksetra (No. 52, L. 25) : 

The field of Suryya. The field may belong to a person named 
Suryya or it may be a place of Sun-worship. 

14. Visnuvardhaki-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) : 

The field of Visnuvardhaki. Visnu is the first part of the name 
based on god Visnu. The second part of his name seems to be 
dropped and instead his professional epithet 'vardhakin' has 
been added which means 'a carpenter'. 519 In Sand Stupa Ins- 
criptions we get the word 'vadakina' which is the same as San- 
skrit 'vardhakin' and means 'carpenter'. 520 In the Ariga- 
vijja, 521 we get the word 'vattaki' which denotes a metal 

15. Vaidya-ksetra (No. 52, L. 22) : 
The field of Vaidya, i.e. a physician. 

16. Yajnarata-ksetra (No. 52, L. 27) : 

The field of Yajnarata. Yajna means sacrifice or worship and 
rata means 'given' presented, bestowed'. 522 The whole will 
literally mean 'given by Yajna'. The field may be a place of 
worship or sacrifice. Because of the performance of Yajna on a 
certain occasion the field came to be so named as if it was a 
permanent place of sacrifice or the field might have been named 
after a person 'Yajnarata'. 

Place-names ending in Puskarim 


Puskara means a blue lotus so PuskarinI denotes a lotus pool. 
It also means a lake or pool in general. 523 The names of some 
localities associated with pokharas or tanks have survived to 
modern times. 

Following are the place-names with this suffix : 

1. Danda-Puskim (No. 52, L. 31) : 

Though the reading is DandapuskinI, it is to be corrected as 
Danda-puskarinl. 524 Danda meaning punishment or rod seems 
to be a personal name here and the puskarinl was named 
after him or else it may have been in his possession. 

2. Dosi-bhoga-puskarim (No.52, L 20) : 

Dosi may stand for Sanskrit jyotisi meaning astrologer. 525 
Bhoga may be a personal name, thus the name may stand for 



a pond of the astrologer named Bhoga. Another possibility is 
that bhoga signifies enjoyment. In that case the expression will 
signify a pond in the possession of an astrologer. 526 

3. Ganesvara-viiala-puskarinl (No. 52, L.28): 
Ganesvara was the name of the person to whom the puskarim 
belonged. Vilala is a professional epithet which denotes a mec- 
hanic caste 527 or it may have been the nick-name of the 
person. 528 

Following are the place-names which have got no suffix 
with them. 

One-word Place-names 

1. Avamukta (No. 1, L. 19) : 

The Inscription No.* 1 refers to Avamukta as one of the 
countries in Daksinapatha subdued by Samudragupta. Its ruler 
was Nilaraja. 529 . Avamukta has not been identified with cer- 
tainty. Some scholars on the basis of the similarity of names 
identify it with Avimukta another name of Kasl. 530 But the 
suggestion cannot be accepted. Avamukta of the inscription 
was a country in the South while Avimukta or Kasl is an eas- 
tern country. It may be considered to be situated in the Goda- 
vari district. 531 According to D.B. Diskalkar it must lay on 
the Eastern Ghats which lie to the west of Kane! or Conjee- 
varam. 532 

2. Davaka (No. I, L. 22) : 

It has been mentioned as one of the frontier states subdued by 
Samudragupta. According to Fleet it was the ancient name of 
Dacca. 533 V.A. Smith takes it as corresponding to Bogra, 
Dinajpur and Rajshahi districts. 534 But as these districts were 
not actually incorporated in the Gupta dominions, D.R. 
Bhandarkar suggests that Davaka corresponds to the hill-tract of 
Chittagong and Tippera. 535 K L. Barua identifieds it with Kopili 
valley in Assam. 536 Generally Davaka is identified with modern 
Daboka in Nowgong district, Assam. 537 It thus corresponds to 
the valley of the Kapili and the Yamuna rivers in Nawgong 
district where we still find a place called Doboka. 538 

3. Kamarupa (No. I, L. 22) : 

It has been mentioned as one of the frontier states which were 
subordi nate to Samudragupta and whose emperors paid him 


taxes and all kinds of obeisance. Majumdar 539 identifies it with 
Upper Assam. Kamarupa consisted of the Western districts of 
the Brahmaputra valley which being the most powerful state 
and being the first to be approached from the western side 
came to denote the whole valley. 540 The area of Kamarupa 
was estimated by the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang to have 
been 10,000 li i.e. 1667 miles in circuit which shows that it 
must have comprised the whole valley of Brahmaputra. 541 
Saktisangama describes 542 Kamarupa as extending from Kale- 
svara to the Svetagiri and from Tripura to the Nlla-parvata 
(which is the Niladri or Nllakuta, the name of the Kamakhya 
hill). According to the YoginI Tantra, the kingdom of Kama- 
rupa included the whole of the Brahmaputra valley together 
with Rangpur and Cochbihar. 543 The Puranas mention Prag- 
jyotisa, identified with Kamakhya or Gauhati, as the capital of 
Kamarupa. 544 The Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva mentions 
Kamarupa as a Mandala of the Pragjyotisa-bhukti. 545 

The Abhidhana, the Vaijayanti and the Trikandasesa in- 
form us that Pragjyotisa and Kamarupa were the same coun- 
try. 546 In the Raghuvams'a, 547 the separate mention of Prag- 
jyotisa and Kamarupa may seem to be a little puzzling. But 
we see that whereas verses 81-82 of the fourth canto refer to 
the king of Pragjyotisa as terrified, the subsequent verses 
describe the presentation of elephants and the offer of respects 
by the king of Kamarupa to Raghu. Thus all the four verses 
are inter-linked and, the context also proves that Pragjyotisa 
and Kamarupa were the same. 548 The Buddhist Chronicle 
Arya-manjus'rl-mulakalpa describes Kamarupa as a country of 
the east. 549 The Brhatsamhita 550 and the Kavyamlmaihsa 551 
also mention it in the same direction. Chatterji remarks that 
the tribes living on the frontiers of Kamarupa were akin to the 
Man tribes of South-Western China, a wild Tibeto-Chinese 
people. 552 

The Ahoms of the Shan Tribe came into Assam at the be- 
ginning of the 13th century due to the break-up of the Chinese 
empire by the Moguls and ruled till the British occupation in 
the beginning of the 19th century. 553 

4. Kanci(No. I, L. 19) : 
The earliest epigraphic mention of Kanci is to be found in this 



inscription. The inscription refers to Visnugopa of Kanci as 
one of the kings of Daksinfipatha defeated by Samudragupta 
but reinstated in their kingdoms. Kanci is the same asKancfpura 
or modern Conjeevaram in the Chingieput district of Madras 
Presidency. 554 The kingdom of Kanci extended from the mouth 
of the Krishna to the south of the river Palar and sometimes 
even to the Kaveri. 555 It is also known as Kancipedu. 556 It is 
mentioned in several early records relating to the ancient his- 
tory of the Pallavas of Kanci (of about A.D. 250 to 355) 557 The 
Aihole inscription of Pulakesin, the Calukya ruler in the 7th 
century A.D. refers to his conquest of Kanclpura. 558 The ear- 
liest literary reference to Kanci is in the Mahabhasya of Pataii- 
jali. 559 

The Mahabhasya en Varttika 26 to Panini IV. 2.104 men- 
tions Kanclpuraka (i.e. a resident of Kanclpura). 560 Hiuen 
Tsang informs us that KaficI was 30 li or 5 miles in circuit, and 
that in the city there were eighty Deva temples and many here- 
tics called Nirgranthas. 561 

The Puranas attach great importance to Kanci. 562 It is 
included in a list of seven holy cities of India. 563 The Brah- 
man da Purana 564 associates Kanci with KasI, the two forming 
the two eyes of Siva. It is stated in the Barhaspatya sutra 565 
that Kanci is a Sakta-ksetra. In the Devlbhagavata 566 , Kanci 
is said to be a sthana of the Devi called Annapurna. 567 The 
Vamana Purana 568 mentions it as the best among the cities. 
The Skandapurana 569 counts it amongst the holy places. The 
Bhagavatapurana 570 and the Yoginltantra 571 also mention it. 
In Dasakumaracaritam 572 it is referred to as a city of the Dravida 

Kanci is full of temples and shrines. Siva Kanci and Visnu 
Kanci form the western and eastern parts of the city, while 
the Jaina Kanci is known as Tiruparutti-Kunram. 573 Of the 
temples at Conjeevaram, the most famous are the Kamaksi 
temple with a Cakra placed in front of the deity, the Vaikuntha 
Perumal temple of Visnu and the Shiva temple of Kaila- 
sanatha. 574 

Apart from its religious significance Kanci has been a 
famous centre of learning. The Pallava ruler Mahendravarman, 
the author of the Mattavilasa-Prahasana; Bharavi, the author 


of the Kiratarjumyam and Dandin, the author of the Dasakumar- 
acaritam are said to have flourished here. 575 

The famous Buddhist dialectician Dinnaga came here to 
satisfy his intellectual and spiritual thirst and about the middle 
of the fourth century A.D., the brahmana Mayurasaraman, 
who founded the Kadamba line came here for getting recogni- 
tion in Vedic learning. 576 The Adi-guru Sankaracarya establi- 
shed here the famous PItha known as Kamakotipltha. 577 
Literally Kanci means a 'girdle'. It seems to have been so 
named because it is situated like a girdle round the sea. 

5. Kasi (No. 28, L. 6) : 

It is mentioned in Inscription No. 28. According to the in- 
scription a vihara at Vata-gohal! was inhabited by the disciples 
of the Nigrantha preceptor (Sramanacarya) Guhanandin, 
belonging to the Panca-stupa section (nikaya) of Kasi. 578 
Evidently Vatagohali was a seat of Jain monks who had their 
major seat at Kasi. 

The name Kasi is derived from the root Kas 'to shine'. 
The Skandapurana 579 says that the city of KaSl became famous 
by that name because it sheds light on (the way to) nirvana or 
because, that indescribable refulgence, viz. god Siva shines 
forth here. 580 B.C. Law connects it with Ti-miao meaning 'read 
sprouts', a Chinese translation of the word and this links it 
with a certain kind of grass. 581 It has been known for centuries 
under five different names, viz., Varanasi (modern Banaras), 
KasT, Avimukta, Anandakanana and Smasana or Mahasma- 
sana. 58 2 

The earliest mention of the KaSis as a tribal people occurs 
in the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda. 583 Varanasi 
was the capital of the people of Kasi. 584 Thus it seems that 
geographically Kasi represented a larger area than Varanasi, the 
latter being the capital of the former. But in medieval times 
the position became just the reverse. Varanasi comprehended 
the entire district and Kasi generally represented only a small 
place. In a grant of Maharaja Vinayakapala we get a reference 
to a village of Jikkarika situated in the Pratisthana-bhukti, 
and attached to KasI-para-Pathaka which belonged to Varanasi 
visaya. 585 Kasi para-pathaka represented the site of the ancient 
city of the Kasi. 586 The Vividhatirthakalpa 587 also mentions 


Kasi as a janapada in the VaranasI City. 

The ancient kingdom of Kasi was bounded by Kosala on the 
north, Magadha on the east, and Vatsa on the west. The 
Cedis and Karusas lived to their south. 588 At the time of 
Buddha, the kingdom of Kas"i was absorbed by the kingdom of 
Kosala. 589 

We know that Lord Buddha gave his first discourse near 
Kasi in the Deer Park at Sarnath. Kasi was an important 
Buddhist centre and was a seat of monastic establishments in 
the time of Asoka. 590 During the period of Gupta rule it was 
on its way to become a strong centre of Siva worship with the 
mahaiingas set up in different parts of the city. 591 The Puranas 
include the region in the Gupta empire. 592 

It was a great centre of trade and commerce. Patanjali in 
his Mahabhasya 593 mentions Kasi cloth. The Buddhist litera- 
ture gives us many accounts of the merchants of the city. 594 

Kasi has been a place of much improtance for Hindu pil- 
grimage. Its religious importance has been discussed at length 
in the Kasikhanda of the Skanda Purana. Lord Siva never 
leaves it, hence it is known as Avimukta. A man who dies here 
is believed to get emancipation. 595 

6. Kosala (No. I, L. 19) : 

It is spelt both ways with the dental as well as with the palatal 
sibilant. It is included in the list of the Daksinapatha kingdoms 
whose kings were conquered but reinstated by Samudragupta. 
At that time Mahendra was its ruler. It has been identified 
with South Kosala corresponding to modern district of Raipur, 
Sambalpur and Bilaspur of M.P. and Orissa. 596 Its old capital 
was Srlpura (modern Sirpur),40 miles north-east of Raipur. 597 It 
is the same as Maha-kosala 598 which forms the largest unit among 
the three component parts of the State of Madhya Pradesh. 5 " 
The recent excavation at Eran has thrown a flood of new light 
on the early history of eastern Malwa and Mahakosala between 
the period 1900 B.C. and A.D. 600. During the Gupta period 
several Brahmanical temples were built in this region. In the 
early medieval period i.e. from A.D. 600 to 1200, the Candellas 
and Kalacuris were the two chief ruling dynasties in the 
Mahakosala area. In the period of Muslim rule followed by 
Maratha supremacy, many forts and fortresses were built 


by the ruling chiefs 600 in different parts of Mahakosala. 
Daksina Kosala is mentioned in the Ratnavall (Act IV) as 
having been conquered by Udayana, king of Vatsa. 601 

N.L. Dey 602 identifies Daksina Kosala with Tosall of 
ASoka's inscription (Tosala) at Dhauli, which is situated near 
Bhuvaneswar in the Puri district, Orissa. Sylvain Levi suggests 
an Austric origin for this wold. 'Kosala changing to Tosala is 
an apparent variation of the initial due to the formative 
prefix' 603 in the Austric languages. The country of Tosala also, 
like Kosala, had two divisions : Uttara Tosala and Daksina 
Tosala. 604 Daksina Tosala consisted of a mandala of the name 
of Kongoda. In some cases by mistake the reading Daksina 
kosala is given in place of Daksina Tosala. 605 But it is clear 
from other evidence that Tosala and Kosala were two separate 
entities. The puranas mention them separately. 606 The Kavya- 
mlmamsa also makes a separate reference to the two. 607 

7. Kottura (No. 1, L. 19) : 

It is mentioned as one of the Southern kingdoms conquered by 
Samudragupta. Its ruler was Svamidatta. It has been identified 
by N. Dubreuil with Kothoor in Ganjam. 608 Banerjee counts 
Svamidatta of Kottura among the three chiefs of Kaliiiga 
who obstructed the passage of Samudragupta through their 
country. 6 9 

According to Fleet Kottur (from Kottapura) being a very 
common Dravidian name, may be looked for in any Kottura 
of note, in a mountainous part of Southern India, e.g. possibly 
Kottur in the Coimbatore district, at the foot of one of the 
passes in the Anaimalai Hills. 610 R. Sathianathaier proposes 
to identify Kottura with Kottura near Tuni (E. Godavari dis- 
trict) and maintains that Samudragupta did not pass through 
Orissa, Ganjam and Vizagapatam 611 There is another 
Kottura in the Vizagapatam district. 612 But the generally 
accepted view is to indentify it with Kothoor in Ganjam. 

8. Kurala (No. I, L. 19) : 

It has been mentioned as one of the kingdoms of Daksinapatha 
subdued by Samudragupta. Its ruler was Mantaraja. Fleet 
suggests that Kauralaka is a mistake for Kairalaka, denoting 
the well known province Kerala in the South of India. 613 
D.R. Bhandarkar 614 identifies this Kerala with the Sonpur 



territory in C.P. round about Yayatinagara where the author 
of the Pavanaduta locates the Keralas. Barnett identified it 
with modern village Korada in South India. 615 Kurala is 
taken by Kielhorn 616 to be the same as Kunala mentioned in 
the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II 617 and identified with 
the Kolleru lake between the Godavari and the Krishna. 618 
But DR. Bhandarkar 619 objects to this view on the ground 
that the Kolleru lake must have been included in the kingdom 
of Verigi mentioned later on 620 in the same list in the inscrip- 
tion. G.Ramdas 621 seems to be right when he observes that 
Kuraja must be the plain country of the Ganjam district to 
the north-east of the Mahendra hill now chiefly occupied by 
the Oriyas. 

9. Nepala (No. I, L. 22) : 

It is mentioned as one of the border states which accepted the 
subordination of Samudragupta. Some take it to refer to 
Tippera 622 which is doubtful. 623 The city is said to have been 
founded by Ne rsi who performed his religious services at the 
junction of the BagmatI and Kesavati and who also ruled over 
the country. 624 The Nepala valley originally contained a lake 
called Naga Basaor Kalihrada, in which lived Naga. Karkotaka. 
It was fourteen miles in length and four miles in breadth 625 

The former name of Nepala was Slesmatakavana. 626 The 
famous temple of Pasupatinatha on the western bank of the 
Bagmati river, is situated about three miles north west of 
Kathmandu in the town of Devipatan said to have been founded 
by Asoka's daughter Carumat!. 627 The Saktisangama Tantra 
describes the country of Nepala as placed between Jatesvara 
and Yogini. 628 Sircar equates Yoginipura with Delhi and 
Jatesvara with Jalpesvara, the famous Siva of the Jalpaiguri 
district in North Bengal. 629 

Nepala was a buffer state in the 7th century A.D. In 
the 8th century A.D. she shook of its domination by Tibet. 630 
According to the Deopara inscription, Nanyadeva, the ruler 
of Nepala, is said to have been defeated and imprisoned with 
many other princes by Vijayasena, about the middle of the 
12ih century A.D. 631 

10. Palakka (No. I, L. 20) : 
It has been mentioned as one of the kingdoms of Southern 


India whose kings were first conquered and then released by 
Samudragupta. Its ruler was Ugrasena. Palakka has been 
identified with Palakkada, the capital of a Pallava viceroyalty 
and was situated in the Nellore district. 632 Law is inclined to 
identify Palakkada with Palakaluru in the Guntur taluka. 633 
Allan and G. Ramdas locate it in the Nellore district. 634 Smith 
places Palakka in the Nellore district. 635 Dubreuil, however, 
identifies Palakka with a capital of the same name which was 
situated to the South of the Krishna and which is mentioned 
in many Pallava Copper Plates. 636 The kingdom of Palakka 
might have extended westwards beyond the region now occu- 
pied by the districts of Auddepal and North Arcot. 637 It was 
perhaps situated to the west of KancI on the Eastern Ghats. 638 

11. Pratyanta (No. 1, L. 22) : 

It is mentioned in Inscription No. 1 that the kings of frontier 
(or border) states 'Samatata, Davaka, Kamarupa, Nepala and 
Kartrpura' gratified the imperious commands of Samudrgupta, 
by giving all (kinds of) taxes and obeying (his) orders and 
coming to perform obeisance. 639 We also find a reference to 
Pratyanta in the Girnar Rock Edict No. 2 of Asoka. 640 

Law 641 contrasts between Aryavarta and Pratyanta. He 
takes Pratyanta to mean the Mleccha country and quotes the 
Amarakosa, Divyavadana, Abhidhanacintamani and Smrti- 
candrika. 642 But in the inscription 643 the contrast is between 
Daksinapatha and Aryavarta while the word Atavikaraja 
breaks the link between Aryavarta and Pratyanta. Moreover, 
all the border states mentioned in the inscription could not 
have been Mleccha and inhabited by Kiratas. 644 The word 
Pratyanta and its substitutes in the Asokan edicts also refer to 
the frontier states. 

12. Samatata (No .1, L. 22) : 

It is one of the frontier kingdoms which offered their sub- 
mission to Samudragupta. 645 Sen 646 remarks that Samudra- 
gupta reduced the king of Samatata to the rank of a subordi- 
nate prince who had to part with most of his powers and was 
'allowed to rule over a much reduced dominion as a vassal of 
the emperor'. Retaining only the control of its internal ad- 
ministration, he had to pay various kinds of taxes to Samudra- 
gupta, attend his durbars, render obeisance to him and gratify 



his imperious commands. 647 Samatata is the only territory in 
Bengal to be referred to in the Allahabad Prasasti. 648 The 
first epigraphic reference to Samatata is to be found in this 
inscription. 649 Literally the name means 'the shore country 5 
or 'Level country'. 650 'Samatata in the Gupta period denoted 
a territory lying to the east of the Brahmaputra'. The Brhat- 
samhita mentions it as a country situated in the East. 651 The 
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang proceeded from Kamarupa 
southwards and after a journey of 1,200 or 1,300 li (6 li- 
1 mile) reached the country of Samatata. According to him, 
this country was on the seaside and was low and moist and 
was more than 3,000 li in circuit. 652 From Samatata, the 
pilgrim journeyed towards the West for over 900 li and 
reached Tanmolihti, 653 or Tamralipta, the modern Tamluk in 
the Midnapur district. 654 Samatata, therefore, must have been 
the South-eastern part of the Bengal presidency corresponding 
to the Dacca, Faridpur, Backerganj, Jessore and Khulna 
districts. 655 

It is known from the Baghaura Inscription 656 that the 
Tipperah district was in Samatata. The Arya-ManjusrI Mula- 
kalpa states that Samatata was situated to the east of the 
Lohitya. 657 The Yadavaprakasa equates Bhaurika with 
Samatata. 658 

Epigraphical evidence, however, shows that Samatata com- 
prised the districts of Comilla, Noakhali and Sylhat. 659 Its 
capital Karmmanta has been identified with Bad-Kamata, 12 
miles west of Comilla district. 660 After the rule of the Guptas, 
Samatata was successively under the Khadga, Candra, Varman 
and Sena dynasties. 661 

13. VengifNo. 1, L. 20) : 

Inscription No. 1 mentions it with its king Hastivarmman 
who was subjugated by Samudragupta. It seems to be an 
abbreviated form of Vehglpura by dropping the suffix Pura. 662 
It is identified with Vegl or Pedda-vegl, a village near Ellore 
Taluka between the Krishna and the Godavari rivers. 663 
Banerjee describes it as one of the Pallava kingdoms of 
South. 664 But the capital of the Pallavas was Kancl. VengI 
was the capital of the Calukyan kings 665 and was also known as 
Vengai-nadu. 666 



1. Avadara (No. 46, L. 10): 

Kaivartti-sresthin is mentioned as the resident of Avadara. 667 
Avadara is the only geographical name mentioned in the in- 
scription. It appears to have been a locality near modern Supia, 
in Old Rewah State, from where the inscription has been 
found. The name is difficult to explain. 

2. Himavacchikhara (No. 36, L. 5, L. 10) : 

Literally meaning 'the peak of the Himalayas' it has been 
identified with Barahachatra (Varahaksetra) in Nepal, 668 which 
is the same as the Kokamukha tlrtha mentioned in the Maha- 
bharata and the Puranas. 669 The original temples of the gods 
Kokamukha and Svetavaraha referred to in the record 670 along 
with Himavac-Chikhara, were situated at this place. 671 

3. Nasti (No. 5, LL. 4-5) : 

The second part of the word is not legible. It seems to 
have been the name of a town in the Sukuli des"a. The meaning 
of the word is not clear. It must have been a place near Sand 
in the Madhya Pradesh. 

4. Pancakulyavapaka (No. 37, L. 16) : 

The Damodarpur Copper Plate Inscription of the time of Bhanu- 
gupta(No, 37) records that one kulyavapaofland was purchased 
to the north of Pancakulyavapaka. Literally it means 'a plot of 
land five kulyavapas in area : It seems to refer to a village or 
locality comprising five kulyavapas of land. 672 A kulyavapa is 
'an area of land requiring one kulya measure of seed grains 
to be sown 5 . 673 This land measure differed in different ages and 
localities. Maity 674 gives this area of five kulyavapas in terms 
of modern measurements as follows : 

5 kulyavapas = 1 pataka =192-240 bighas =72-88 acres 
and believes the lower figures to be more correct. 

5. Paraspatikd (No. 37, L. 16) : 

It seems to be the name of a locality. The metathesis of two 
letters V and 'p' seems to have worked here. Its correct 
Sanskrit form should have been Tarapastika'. The word 
'prapasti' means a house, habitation or abode. 675 

6. Trivrtd (No. 44, L. 2, L. 8, L. 15) : 

In L. 2, two localities named Trivrta and Srlgohall have been 


mentioned as connected with the village named Vayigrama. 676 
Literally it means 'surrounded or covered by three sides'. It 
seems that when the locality was founded the city was surroun- 
ded by some natural boundary on its three sides. This may 
have been in the form of rivulets or streams or hillocks. 


Following are the place-names which have tribal associa- 
tions without any mention of the specific boundary : 

1. Aryavartta (No. 1, L. 12) : 

Samudragupta is stated to have violently exterminated many 
kings of Aryavarta such as Rudradeva, Matila, Nagadatta, 
Candravarman, Ganapatinaga, Nagasena, Acyuta, Nandin 
and Balavarman. 677 We also find references to Aryavarta in 
other epigraphic records. 678 

Literally Aryavarta 679 means 'the abode of the Aryas, or 
excellent or noble people'. The word 'Arya' here is significant. 

Jt has been interpreted in two ways : some scholars derive 
the word Arya from the root \/Ar, to plough, and suggest that 
the Vedic Aryans were so called because they despised the 
pursuits of agriculture and remained shepherds and hunters. 680 

"If Arya were purely a racial term, a more probable deri- 
vation would be Ar, meaning strength or valour, from V ar 
to fight, whence we have the name of the Greek war-god Ares, 
areios, brave or warlike, perhaps even arete, virtue signifying, 
like the Latin virtues, first physical strength and courage and 
then moral force and elevation". 681 "Intrinsically, in its most 
fundamental sense, Arya means an effort or an uprising or 
overcoming. The Aryan is he who strives and overcomes all 
outside him and within him that stands opposed to the human 
advance." 682 Wilson says that a variety of ancient designations 
of which 'Aria' is a component element (cf. Ariana) are con- 
nected with the term Arya. The Zend name for the country 
to the west of the Indus was 'Eriene-veejo', that is the Sans- 
krit Aryavarta. 683 

In defining the boundaries of Aryavarta, Vasistha and 
Baudhayana in their Dharmasutras lay stress on the word 
Arya and explain it to mean sista. Patanjali also in his Maha- 


bhasya first explains the meaning of sista in order to draw 
attention to the cultural basis of the name Aryavarta. He 
remarks that correct conduct is found in Aryavarta and then 
mentions its boundaries. 684 

In the Brahmana period the centre of Aryan culture and ci- 
vilization shifted to the Gangetic Doab "Aryavarta came to be 
treated as conterminous with the region between the Ganga 
and Yamuna. 685 In the Taittirlya Aranyaka 686 special honour 
is assigned to those who dwell between the Ganga and the 
Yamuna. In the Sutra period Aryavarta extended from the 
hills of Central Rajasthan to the hills of Central Bihar. 687 

At the time of Patafijali, 688 Aryavarta was bounded on the 
north by the Himalayas, on the south by Pariyatraka, on the 
west by Adarsavall and on the east by Kalakavana (Rajmahal 
hills) 'Black Forest' or rather Kanakhala, near Hardwar. 689 

Thus it seems that Aryavarta bore a sacerdotal sense and 
denoted a particularly limited area where Aryan institutions 
were the basis of social order. 690 

What was originally called Aryavarta was later named as 
Madhya-des*a and Aryavarta came to include the whole of 
Northern India. This is related to the gradual spread of Arya- 
nism. 691 Brahmavarta and Brahmarsidesa lost their identity in 
the Madhya-desa and combined with Pracya, Pratlcya and 
Udlcya (Uttarapatha) became the equivalent of Aryavarta. 692 
Both Udlcya and Pracya were taken as the home (loka) of 
standard Sanskrit both in Panini's time and earlier. In the time 
of Patanjali, Aryavarta came to be regarded as the home of the 
Sistas (persons proficient in the Sastras) whose language set the 
norm. 693 

By the second century A.D., the last limit of the composi- 
tion of the Manu-smrti, the wider outlook of Aryavarta was 
popular. It was the name of the tract extending from the 
Eastern to the Western Ocean, and bounded on the north and 
south by the Himalaya and Vindhya respectively. 694 This is 
supported by the Kavyamlmamsa of RajaSekhara. 695 Rajasek- 
hara speaks of the river Narmada as the dividing line between 
Aryavarta and the Daksinapatha. 696 In Inscription No. 1, L. 29 
Aryavarta is contrasted with Daksinapatha, 'the southern 
region'. 69 ? The wider sense of Aryavarta is also supported by 


references in the Abhidhana-cintamani 698 and the Rajataran- 

2. Kakanadabota (No. 5, L. 1; No.23, L.2) : 

In both the inscriptions, we find reference to a grant to the 
Arya Sarhgha or the Community of the faithful, at the great 
Vihara, or Buddhist convent of Kakanadabota, 700 for the 
purpose of feeding mendicants and maintaining lamps. 

D.C. Sircar takes 'Kakanadabota' to be the old name of 
Sand. 701 Fleet is of the view that the Kakanadabota convent 
is the Great Stupa itself. According to him the word Bota is 
another form of Pota which means 'the foundation of a 
house'. 702 Fleet further writes that the name 'Kakanada' lit. 
'the noise of the crow' was the ancient name of Sane! itsslf 
which is proved by its occurrence in two inscriptions in Mauryan 
characters found at Sand. 703 

Thus, it is clear that Kakanada was the ancient name of 
Sanci in the Bhopal State, now Raisen district, Madhya 
Pradesh, well-known for its Buddhist topes. 704 The word 'bota' 
is thus a surplus and joined by 'Kakanada' will refer to the 
great stupa itself. Its form Pota meaning the foundation of a 
house is untenable bacause the word 'vihara' in that very sense 
appears in the inscriptions. The word 'bota' has been used here 
in the sense of an ascetic cult. 705 It is a Prakrit word which has 
been used here to refer to 'the Buddhist cult'. Thus the relevant 
expression means 'in the holy great vihara of the Buddhist cult 
(assembly) at Kakanada'. 

Fleet is wrong in translating the word Kakanada to mean 
'the noise of the crow'. 706 K.P. JayaswaPs rendering 'the praise 
of the Kakas' 707 is more to the point. We know of the Kakas, 
an autonomous community mentioned in the Allahabad In- 
scription of Samudragupta. 708 In Eastern Malwa we have two 
ancient place-names connected with the Kakas. One is the hill 
now called Sanci hill (the ancient) Kakanada. The other is an 
ancient village called Kaka-pura, some 20 miles north of 
Bhilsa, and full of ancient monuments. 709 

3. Uttara Kuru (No. 22, L. 7) : 

A person named Samkara is described in the inscription as 
born in the region of the north, the best of countries, which 
resembles ( in beautitude) the land of the Northern Kurus. 710 


The Kurus had two branches, the northern and the southern. 
Uttarakuru or the country of the Northern Kurus, is supposed 
to be a region beyond the most northern range of the Himalaya 
mountains, and is described as a country of everlasing hap- 
piness. 711 We have discussed in details, the Kurus, in the 
section on tribes. The Brhatsamhita 712 mentions it as a country 
situated in the North. In the later period the Uttarakurus had 
only a mythical or legendary existence. 

4. Vahga (No. 20, L. I) : 

In this inscription, king Candra, "on whose arm fame was 
inscribed by the sword, when in battle in Vanga countries, is 
stated to have kneaded ^back with his breast the enemies who, 
uniting together, came against him". 713 This is taken by 
scholars 714 to be the first epigraphic mention of Vanga. The 
Vangas here mean the 'Vanga country' the eastern Bengal of 
modern times. Bajpai is of the opinion that the Vangas 
of the Meharauli Pillar Inscription of Candra (No. 20) are the 
people living in the Makaran coast of Baluchistan. 715 But the 
Vangas here denote country and not the people. Moreover, the 
victory of king Candra over the Vahga countries has no con- 
nection with his conquest of the Vahlikas. Both are separately 
mentioned in his campaign. In Sanskrit the tribal name in the 
plural is regularly used to indicate the country inhabited by the 
tribe. 716 The Vanga countries are also referred to in the 
Mahakuta Pillar Inscription, 717 but in the inscriptions after 
the 9th century A.D. the word Vangala is usually mention- 
ed. 7 ^ 

The earliest mention of the Vangas along with the Magadhas 
is in the Aitareya Aranyaka. 719 The name is also found in the 
Baudhayana Dharma-Sutra 720 where the Vangas are mentioned 
as impure people. 721 But the Drama Tratijna-Yaugandha- 
rayana' (Act II), ascribed to Bhasa and probably not older 
than the 4th century A.D., suggests that the ruling families of 
Bengal were regarded as equals to those of Northern India for 
intermarriage with the royal family of Malava. 722 

The people of Vahga are stated to have fought in the Kuru- 
kshetra war 723 and, in course of his expedition Bhlsma is said 
to have defeated Samudrasena of Vahga. 724 The Kasika men- 
tions Vahgaka to explain Panini's sutra (IV.3.100) denoting 


loyalty of the citizen to the state. 725 Panini mentions Vangl 
(the lady of Vanga Janapada) along with Avanti, Kuru and 
Yaudheyi. 726 Patanjali also refers to the Vahgas by way of 
illustration. 727 Kautilya makes similar references to the 
country. 728 The Bhagavata Purana also mentions it as a 
country. 729 Kalidasa states that Raghu after conquering the 
Sumhas, 730 defeated the Vangas with his force. 731 The Kavya- 
mlmamsa mentions Vanga as a janapada situated in the east. 732 
The Brhatsamhita also mentions it in the east along with Upa- 
Vanga. 733 , 

According to the Mahabharata 734 Vanga, son of Bali, had 
establishad this country. The AmarakoSa 735 mentions Vanga 
as a synonym of Ranga (lead), but lead is not available 
in Bengal and is found in abundance in Malaya, Pegu and 
East Indies. People in other parts of India may have received 
lead through the people of East Bengal. Susruta also uses 
Vanga in the same sense as Amara does 736 

R.C Banerji 737 , on the basis of the Ablur Inscription of the 
Kalacuri king Bijjala 738 takes Vanga and Vangala as two dis- 
tinct people or tribes. This view has been correctly refuted by 
S.B.Chaudhuri 739 who concludes that Vangala was within Vanga 
and hence was not altogether a separate geographical entity 
as is maintained by some. 

The confusion may be due to the fact that the geographi- 
cal location of the Vanga country changed in different periods. 
The same country Vanga was known as Vangala with the addi- 
tion of the Prakrit suffix ( ala' 7 *o which was transliterated by the 
Muslims as Bangalah (pronouncing Bangala) in their script 741 
and this was changed into Bengal by the English people. 

The Yadavaprakasa equates Vanga with Harikeli 742 but 
the Kalpadrukosa, a work of the seventeenth century states that 
Srlhatta is Harikeli. 743 The commentary of Yasodhaia on the 
Kamasutra refers to Vanga as situated to the east of the 
Brahmaputra. 744 


1. Fz. p. 879, col. 2. 

2. iv. 42, 1; VII, 34, 11; 84. 2; X. 109, 3; 124, 4 etc., vide Vg. Vol. II, p. 


3. Atharvaveda, X.3.12; XII, X. 8; XIII, I, 35; 
Vajasaneyi Samhita, IX.23; XX. 8; 

Taittiriya Samhita, i, 6, 10, 3; iii, 5/7, 3; V. 7.4.4. 

Taittiriya Brahmana, 1,2, 1, 13, etc. 

Maitrayanl, Samhita iii, 3, 7; 7.4, 8. 6; iv, 6, 3 \ide Vg. Vol. II, p. 

4. Manu, VII, 157 : srrofta 2 8.17 

5- 3rTR^>T 3.3.184 

6. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (2nd edn.), p. 202. 

7. GJ. XV, p. 257; GJ. XVI. 276. 

8. Ed. by T. Ganapati Shastri, 18.7 : 

-PR ^ftMMd W3 *H'M<* FTcT: I 

^nr^r *nf ^cFf TT* ^ftssr T^^nr 11611 

9. Samarahganasutradhara, ed. by T.G. Shastri, 10.83 : 

; T3TnTfl'^rrFT ^fa (9^ ? ) ST^ST^ i 

T^: '?f^TR' y i H i ^ ^MNI <,i<^ TV^tn' II 

10. Ibid., 10.84 


11. Ibid., 10.85 

tf^r^rar ^rTTn 

^T'TT ^ flHH 

12. Ibid., 10.87 

Ed. D.N. Shukla, Hindi Trans., p. 108. 

13. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2. 

14. Wg. II Band (Volume), p. 363. 

15. GJ. XXIV, p. 260 : GJ. XV, p. 257 : GJ. IX, p. 304 vide A.S. 
Altekar, (Kzj 2 , pp. 201-202. 

16. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 55. 

17. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 34. 

18. Fy. Vol. I, p. 116. 

19. Yx. p. 150 Cf., IJ. Vol. XIII, pp. 88-89. 

20. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 454. 

21. Jx. pp. 77-78, f.n. 15; GJ. XXIII. 57. 'The grant in question 
records that Anantavarman's grandfather Gunavarman ruled over 
Devarastra, which must have been the kingdom of the same name con- 
quered by Samudragupta, and is identical with a taluka in the Vizagapa- 
tam district. Although it is treated separately from Pistapur in the 
emperor's Allahabad inscription, the plate of Anantavarman indicates 
that he was ruling over Davarastra, and Pitapur was the chief city of 
the kingdom. 

22. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part, II, p. 34. 

23. IJ. Vol. XIII. p. 89 



24. No. 28, LL. 2-3 ; 
No. 28, LL. 8-9 ; 
No. 28, L. 15 : 

Cf. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 117. 

25. L. 8. v. 11 

26. L.9. V. 12 

27. Ibid., verses. 11, 12 

28. L. 9, V. 13 : 





29. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 9. 

30. Ibid., p. 50. 

31. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 178, L. 11. 

32. Ibid-, p. 177, L.8. Cf. B.C. Law, Yx., p. 298. 

33. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 33. 

34. ^oq^ffarrar, ^Fcr^wtssq'PT: p. 236 

, XIV :V. 19, p. 121. 

36. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 183. 
Dasakumaracarita, Chapter VI. 

37. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 152. 

38. Adikanda, Ch. XII : Ayodhyakanda X, Kikindhyakanda, XLI 

39. I.I.I. 

40. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 298 ; Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 152-53 

41. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 298. 

42. Ibid., p. 154. 

43. Fz. p. 759, col. 3. 

44. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202. 

45. Ibid., GJ. XXV, p. 265. 

46. GJ. XV, pp. 129 ff. 'When the Mitakara on Yaj. I. 319 states 
that only a king can make the grant of land and not a bhogapati, it is 
obviously referring to the head of this large territorial division' vide Ibid.; 
Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202 f.n. 2. 

47. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202. 

48. Ibid., p. 203. 

49. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface p. i. 

50. K.K. Gopal, JJ., March and June 1963, p. 81. 

51. (Dx) 1 , p. 216, L. 6. 

52. CJ. Vol. XV, pp. 104-117 : GJ. XX, p. 61. 

53. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 243. 

54. Visnu Pur ana, II, pp. 134, 170 :Dey, NX. p. 161. 

55. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp, 24-25. 

56. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 p. 104. 


57. VII, 18. 

58. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 p. 104,. 

59. XIV, p. 119, V. 7: 

60. i.ToiJjfNiflT, *T<<R*ftsEzinr: P. 235. 

61. N.L. Dey, NX. pp. 161-162 . B.C. Law, Yx. p. 247. 

62. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 248. 

63. Fz. p. 997, Col. I : from fcf-f-t% to extend. 

64. IV. 2.52-54 

65. V. S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 37. 

66. IV. 2.52. 

67. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 497-98. 

68. IV. 2.52-54. 

69. IV. 2.54. 

70. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 498. 

71. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 208. 

72. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 23. 

73. HJ. 1910, p. 195, 204. 

74. XJ. No. 66, p. 45, ff. 

75. ^-t<rfa%-%ftre>T sr*r. . . 

76. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 219. 

77. R.L. Mitra's S. 1878 : Cunningham's Mahabodhi, 1892 : Ex. Vol. 
XII. (also his article inLJ. 1903, LXXII, No. 3, pp. 1-11) : B.M. Barua's 
Gaya and Buddha-Gaya, Vols. MI, 1934 : J.C. Ghosh's article in NJ. Vol. 
XXIV, 1938, pp. 89-111 :P.V. Kane's (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, 1953, pp. 642-79 : 
Sircar, Oz. pp. 224-30 : For a Chinese Inscription at Buddha-Gaya : HJ. 
X, pp. 339-40. NJ. Vol. XL. Part I, 1954, pp. 1-7. 

78. Rgveda X. 63.17 : X.64.17. 

79. I. 14.4. 

80. Kane, (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, p. 645. 

81. Ch. 112, 4-5, for story of Gayasura, see Kane, (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, pp. 

82. S. p. 17. 

83. Rgveda I. 22.17. 

84. firoa- 12.19 : 

Auinavabha is believed by scholars to have flourished between 700 
and 500 B.C. : See B.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 229. 

85. Sircar, Oz. p. 226. 

86. Ibid., p. 227. 

87. Ayodhyakanda, Ch. 107. 

88. V. Ch. 15. 

89. Ch. 34. 

90. Ch. 107. 



91. IV. Ch. 11. 

92. Ch. 76. 

93. XII. 87-88. 

94. Vayu Pur ana, ch. 105 ff. etc. 

95. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 224. Cf. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 122. 

96. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 122-23. 

97. Ibid., p. 121. 

98. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 64. 

99. Ch. 84, verses 82-98 : ch. 87. verses 8-12 : ch. 88, 14. 

100. Ayodhyakanda, 107, 13. 

101. Vayu Purana, II, chs. 105 ff : 'Gaya-mahatmya' : Kurma 
Purana, 30.45-48 : Brahma Purana, 67.19, Agni Purana, 109. Cf. D.C. 
Sircar, Oz pp. 225-26. 

102. It has been discussed in detail by Kane in his History of Dharma- 
sdstra Vol. IV., pp. 662-79, L.S.S.O.' Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers, 
Gaya Vol. Ill, 1906, pp. 59-72. 

103. fofnfqRTT ^f ^RT (?r) TTC-fV^ 1 ... 

104. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 110. 

105. Ibid. 

106. *^TO*rNK D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 288, f.n. 5. 

107. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 230. 

108. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 107. 

109. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. T, p. 25 : Law, Jx. p. 188, f.n.4. 

110. JJ. XIX, p. 224 'YadavaprakaSa on the Ancient Geography of 

111. Vol. I, chap. XXIII, v. 196. 

112. Xy. p. 262, col. 2, see vfcfcfar. 

113. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 106. 

114. Abhidhanacintamani, 390. 

115. Trikantfa&sa, 32. 

116. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 pp. 106-107. 

117. Ibid., p. 106 : UJ, 1896, p. 112 : LJ (NS), Vol. V, pp : 215-16. 

118. Fz. p. 926, col. 3, Cf. Bharatavarsa. 

119. S.M. Ali, (Ox) 1 , pp. 7 and 52. 

120. 3.3. 56. 

121. In the Vedic times we said, "*ft%*r WT^: WcP{" 

See s-irr: (Cf. Summer) for year : "TTT frq-R ! srfasst ^T*nr*T: 9TT9^ft 
f 2 5; ^o^nffaWT, cpfrrtss^PT: To 18. The use of 

^ (^T?) is very popular now-a-days. 
Vasanta was also used : 'qfrfa- W^ 

122. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 197. 

123. XJ. No. 66, pp. 34, 54. 

124. D C. Sircar, Oz. p. 197. 

125. Monghyr Plate of Devapala, GJ., XXVIII, p. 304 ff. 

126. I, 31,24-28' ............... fWTV l' 


127. 99, 18-22. 

128. III. 74. 

129. Sy. D.C. Sircar, "The City of Krmila" ; M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 159. 

130. (Dx) 2 Vol. I, pp. 604-06. 

131. D.C. Sircar, Sy. pp. 275-76. 

132. Ibid. 

133. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 159. 

134. Vol. II, p. 642 (Pt. II, Pali Text Society) 

135. M. S. Pandey, Loc. cit., p. 159. 

136. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 196. 

137. Ibid., p. 197. 

138. D.C. Sircar, 'The ancient city and district of Krmila', JJ. 
XXVI, June 1950, No. 2 : Abhidhanacintamani, V. 558. 

139. ?rT-fa M ii i?\ * 1 1 cj tf -sNrr55nr% srf^r-frrFin n 

140. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 9, Cf. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114. 

141. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114. 

142. Ibid. 

143. GJ. XXIV, Pt. Ill, July 1937, p. 110. 

144. Ibid., IX. pp. 278-80, LJ. Vol. VIII, p. 292; Dey, NX. p. 114. 

145. Pali Lalarattha 

146. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 287. 

147. Ibid. 

148. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 79 : Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, Chapter 
VII. v. 55. 

149. Qy. pp. 38, 152-53. 

150. Fz. p. 900, col. 2. 

151. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114. 

152. trfqfznp 

153. Xy.p. 822, col. 2. 

154. VI. 1.2 (Arthasastra); Manu, VII, 155-57. 

155. K.K. Gopal, JJ. March to June 1963, pp. 83-4. 

156. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 43. 

157. No. 28, LL. 1-2. . . 

158. Fz. p. 775, col. 3. 
159. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 360, f.n. 1. 
160. No. 52, L. 7 

161. (Dx) 1 . p. 21. 

162. If connotation is the same as in Mauryan period. See Altekar, 
(Kz) 2 , p. 206. Rajjukas who may correspond to the modern Divisional 
Commissioners were also known as PradeSikas. 

163. (Dx) 1 . p. 161 : The word viaya means a district, L. 7 ' 


164. ra-fatn 


&\ II 

165. Ay. p. 141. 

166. (Dx) 1 , p. 21. 

167. PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, p. 29 

168. fgsn:^ 
rr^ft ymfa!^ 

169. PJ. Vol.xiV, 1935, p. 29. 

170. See the inscription, (Dx) 1 , pp. 20-21. 

171. (Dx) 1 , pp. 160-61. 

172. Ibid., PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, p. 29 : See editor's note. 

173. Ibid., 'For a certain large division, the administrator is given as 
his salary the revenues of a nagara. Anybody, therefore, who governed 
a division in which Eran was an important city or even the Capital 
city, with the revenues of which allotted to him as assignment instead of 
salary, would be entitled to describe it by the term as svabhoga'. 

174. (Dx) 1 , pp. 160-61. 

175. Ibid., p 18, see also f.n. 2. 

176. rrftf^or-rr^^ir-lT^tjr | 

177. Fz. p. 232, col. I. In vernacular it is known as Er.aka. 

178. Ibid. p. 496, col. 2. 

179. (Dx) 1 , pp. 32-33, f.n. 7. 

180. Aitareya Brahmana, viii, 10. 

181. xxxiv, 11. 

182. See Mleccha in the Chapter on the 'Names of the Tribes'. 

183. Fz. p. 875, col. I. 

184. Vg. Vol. II, pp. 220-21. 

185. viii, 12.4.5. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, XVII. 16, 3. 

186. Airavata : from Iravat, a descendant of Iravat : name of a naga 
or mythical serpent, Atharvaveda VIII, 10.29. Name of Indra's elephant 
(considered as the prototype of the elephant race) : produced from ocean. 
See Fz. p. 234, col. 2. 

187. No. 35, LL. 2-9. 

188. Fz. p. 1005, col. 1 : Vlthi is perhaps formed from Vvi : cf. I. vita : 
In Punjabi language vitha means a place in between the two 

things. Vlthi is that which possesses a vitha. We know the formation of a 
street it possesses the row of houses on both the sides and place in bet- 
ween is named as Vlthi. 

189. No. 28, LL. 1-2: 


190. No. 28, LL. 1-2. 

191. BJ. Vol. IX, Oct. .1927, Pt. I. Earnest P. Horrwitz, Bx. p. 300. 


192. Fz. p. 582, col. 2, V.S. Apte; Gz. Vol. II, p. 958. 

193. ed. by T.G. Sastri, 10/12 : ed. D.N. Shukla, Hindi Trans, p. 1.3. 

194. Baudhayana Dharma-Sutra, i, 1,2. 13 vide Vg. I, p. 336. Aitareya 
Brahmana, IV, 17, 8 : Chandogya Upanisad, VIIl, 6, 2. vide Vg. 
II, p. 141. 

195. No. 43, LL. 22-23 

(37) T (%) ^ TrF 

196. No. 1, L. 20 : 

197. No. 1, LL. 19-20 

198. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 193 and 195. 

199. Ibid., p. 178. 

200. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 205, L. 11. 

201. Deccan is the anglicised form of 'Dakkhan' which is a corruption 
of the original Daksjnapatha. 

202. i, 1, 2, 13. 

203. X. 61, 8. 

204. Vg. Vol. I, p. 337. 

205. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 52 : B.C. Law, Yx. p. 14. 

206. Dey, NX. p. 52. 

207. JJ. XIX, p. 214, Yadavapraka&i on the 'Ancient Geography of 

208. ^|oi|4l^i^l, ^cT^^fftssqw,: TO 236 

;: TTcft 

209. i, 53, 7 : 58, 8 : 131, 4 : 166, 8 : iil. 15. 4 : iv. 27.1 etc. vide Vg. Vol. 
I, p. 538. 

210. TaittiriyaAranyaka, I. 11, 18, 31, 4. 

211. Amita Ray, Xg. p. 47. 

212. Ibid. 

213. B. p. 285 note : p. 523 

Tamil : Purai "house, dwelling, small room, Malyalam : pura 
*house(esp. thatched house), but, room... Sanskrit pura ... cf. Amara- 
KoSa, 3.3.184 gives the meaning of Pura as house, city etc. 

214. Alois Walde : Wg. II Band (Volume) : Manfred Mayrhofer : A.I. 

215. H.R. Hall, Tz. 1952, pp. 190-91. 

216. A.S. Altekar, (Kz)*, p. 225. 

217. Taittirly? Brahmana, i, 7,7, 5 : Aitareya Brahmana, i, 23 : ii. 11 : 
Satapatha Brahmana, iii, 4, 4, 3 : vi, 3, 3, 25 : xi, I, I, 2, 3 : Chandogya 
Upanisad, VIII, 5, 3 etc. vide Vg. Vol. I, p. 538. 



218. Fz. p. 635, col. 2-3. Cf. V.S. Apte, Vol. II, p. 1031 : 
3TTOH JT 2-2.1 : STTOHSM^) 3 - 3 - 184 

219. Samarangariasutradhara (ed.) T. Ganapati Shastri, 10/1 : (ed.) D.N. 
Shukla, p. 103. 


220. Ibid., 10/2, (ed.) D.N. Shukla, p. 103. 

1 1 

221. T. Burrow, (Mg) 1 , pp. 82, 86 : V.S. Apte, Vol. II, p. 1031 : full of 
filled with 

222. :=T anrtr 2.2.1 

223. JT (3?^, ^.)3TTOvte 3.3.184. 

224. BJ. Vol. IX, Oct. 1927, Part I., Ex. p. 300. 

225. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 72, f.n. 1. 

Pura originally, as the author of Mirat-e-Ahmadi, supplement, 
says, was a suburb, or a place colonised by a Muslim king or his officer. 

226. N.L. Dey, NX., Preface, p. 2. 

227. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 66. 

228. Taittiriya Samhita, VI. 2, 3, 1 : Kathaka Samhita, xxiv. 10 : 
Maitrayam Samhita, iii, 8.1. 

229. Aitareya Brahmana, i, 23, 2 : Gopatha Brahmana, ii, 2, 7. 

230. Vg. Vol. II, p. 141. 

231. (Dx) 1 , p. 47. 

232. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 116 ; GJ. XVII, pp. 310-27. 

233. According to Prof. K.C. Chattopadhyaya, the vrddhi in Candra 
pura is grammatically incorrect. The vrddhi is desirable only in the first 

234. No. 17, LL. 3-4, verse 5 : 

M* 1 1 M ^ eft: 

235. (Dx) 1 , p. 80. 

236. No. 17, L. 19. 

237. No. 17, LL. 16-17, verse 29 


238. No. 17, LL. 20-21. 

239. (Dx) 1 , p. 79 ; B.C. Law, Yx. pp. 280-81. 

240. (Dx) 1 , pp. 79-80. 

241. B.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 410, L. 2. 


242. No. 17. 

243. XIV, p. 120, V. 12 : 

<* T> ^fo'T* 1 1 

It mentions that this city in South. 

244. Pt. I, V. 48. 

245. (CJ) 1 . Vol. IV, p. 99, L.2. 

246. (Dx) 1 , p. 79, see f.n. 2. 

247. Ibid. 

248. Ibid. 

249. HJ. Vol. XV, p. 195. 

250. Ibid. 

251. (Dx) 1 , p. 70, L. 5. 

252. Ibid., p. 71, see translation, LL. 5-7. 

253. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, L. 5, Ibid., f.n. 8 : Ibid., f.n. 9 : Sircar 
translates : 

as="The brahmana Devavisnu who is the son of Deva and be- 
longs to the community of the Chaturvedins of (the locality called) 
Padma in (the town called) Indrapura", Jagannath, Proceedings of Indian 
History Congress, Lahore, 1940, p. 59. 

254. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, f.n. 8. 

255. No. I. LL. 19-20 : ^tt^H^fi-Jn^T^T^K^^iw^N-^Y^ 

256. Fleet (Dx) 1 , p. 69. 

257. Fz. p. 166, col. 3 : Ibid, p. 167, col. 1 : We find the form Indra- 
vat but in some cases (Ijlgveda iv, 27, 4 and x. 101, 1) we find the form 
Indravat, i.e. associated with or accompanied by Indra. 

258. Indrapura Indraura Indor. 

259. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 318., No. 27. 

260. (Dx) 1 , p. 68. 

261. Ibid. 

262. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 96, also see p. 95. 

263. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 97. 

265. V.A. Smith, Gx. p. 302, Cf. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (4th ed.), 
p. 457. 

266. UJ. 1898, p. 198. 

267. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 39 : JJ. I, p. 257. 

268. PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, pp. 30-33. 

269. Ibid., p. 30. 

270. Cf. Purusapura -- Peshawar - Pashaur 

There is still a small town named Karor in the triangle formed by 



the rivers Chenab and Sutlej. 

271. E.G. Sachau, J. ii, 6. 

272. PJ. XIV, p. 30. 

273. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 50. 

274. Ibid. 

275. JJ. Vol.6, p. 53: 

276. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 94. 

277. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. p. 50. 

278. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. Impart II, p. 36. 

279. Ibid. 

280. Wx. p. 74, f.n. 1. 

281. JJ. 1, p. 254; Calcutta Review, 1924, p. 253 note. 

282. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 37. 
283. $ Fz. p. 297, col. 1. 

284." Pargiter, M. p. 279 : Chaudhari, Jx. p. 64. 

285. Dey, NX. p. 111. 

286. If two similar syllables come together in Sandhi, one is dropped. 

287. Fz. p. 1261, col. 3. 

288. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 54; Boethlingk and Roth, 1282 : Abhidhana. 
IV, 2386. 

289. Pz. p. 55. 


292. Girnar, Rock Edict No. 5, L. 7 (Hultzsch) p. 9 : 

"'MliHl^ ^ ^TP^g, T I 

293. frfcnj frfaw, <TO 68 

TT TT^f^^ Hti 

294. 6.2.4 : 

295. 2.3 ; and 4.16. 

296. 3.78 : 


297. All. S.I. of Samudragupta (No. 1) L. 6 : 

GJ. I., p. 209. 
298. yM4f|4fUn, 



For the grammarians, see : Jy. p. 12. 

299. Verse 782. Cf. 'Nandapura'. Bg. p. 135. 

300. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 11-12. 

301. VII. 3.14. 

302. Mahabhasya, I. 1.2. 'Anusonam Pataliputram'. 

303. KaSika, IV. 2.123. 'Ropadhetoh Pracam' : Jy. p. 75. 

304. JJ. Modi, QJ. Vol. XXVI. "Ancient Pataliputra" p. 461. 

305. GJ. XVII, p. 321. 

306. Rock Edict 2, L.2. 

307. B.C. Law, Yx. Satiyaputra, pp, 186-87: Keralaputra, pp-163-64. 
Dr.Pandey in the Historical Geography and Topography of Bihar, pp. 136-37 
writes "No other city of ancient India known to us had a name ending 
in putra". 

'The illustrious city, i.e. the city par excellence', Majumdar, Cg. Vol.1. 
p. 273. 

308. U.K. Roy, Lz. p. 93. 

309. Watters, Vy. 11-87. 

310. U.N. Roy, op. cit., p. 93. 

311. QJ. XXVI, p. 462, f.n.4. 

312. QJ. XXVI, p, 463 : There is some difference in the description : 
see Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 67-71 ; U. by Samuel Beal (1884), Vol. II, pp. 
82-85 ; 'Legendary Origin of Patna', HJ. Vol. Ill, pp. 149-50; U.N. Roy, 
op. cit., p. 93. 

313. Bg. pp. 135-36 ; B.C. Law, Yx. pp. 249-50. 

314. Vayu Parana, ch. 99.319 : GargI Samhita, lines 9-12; NJ. (1928 ) 
p. 401; UN. Roy, Lz. p. 92. 

315. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 92. 

316. Ibid., pp. 95-106. 

317. S.C. Vidyabh.ushan, Cy. p. 349. 

318. V.A. Smith, Gx. pp. 310-11. Also see for further details QJ. 
XXVI, pp. 464-68. 

319. QJ. Vol. XXVI, p. 468. 

320. No. I, L. 20. 

321. GJ. XXIII, pt. Ill, July, 1935, p. 97 : B.C. Law, Yx. p. 182. 

322. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p.36 : GJ XII, p. 2 : 
B C. Law, Yx. p. 182. 

323. IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90 : N.L. Dey, NX. p. 157. 

324. GJ. XXIII, p. 57. 

325. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 77, also see f.n. 15 : B.C. Law Yx. p. 182. 

326. No. I. L. 20. 

327. JfffcpT Tffk 

see IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90. , 

328. IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90, , 

329. Ibid. 


330. TEresr. ^Tcf^f fl-jf, ??r>fT 43, 


3TffnC JT 

331. IT. XIII, pp. 85-90. 

332. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 182. 

333. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , pp. 113, 116, 132, 138. 

334. Ibid., 113, f.n. 2. 

335. Fz. 525, col. 1. 

336. Agrawala, Jy., p. 65. 

337. Fz. 534, col I. 

338. Vg. Vol. I, p. 432. 

339. Samaranganasutradhara by T.G. Shastri, 187; Hindi trans. D.N. 
Shukla, (ed.) p. 99. 

340. Ibid 10/79-81 : Hindi trans. D.N. Shukla, p. 108. 

341. Vg. Vol. I, p. 539. 

342. Hopkins, Jour, of the Amer. Orient. Soc., Vol. 13, 77, 174. 

343. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2. 

344. No. 44, L. I : ?cffer (H)q-3=EpRTzzrf ^ 

345. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 356, f.n. 2 Pancbibi may have come through 
Prakrit Pancanaari modified to Pancanari. 

346. No. 52, L. 28 : cf 

There are two possible explanations : 'Between Cudamaninagara and 
Srlnauyoga', or between the nauyogas (places for parking boats) of 
Cudamani and Nagarasrl...Hz., p. 344, f.n. 4. The second explanation 
is more plausible. If we take the first explanation then it may mean 'at 
the town of Cudamani', the ephithet sri is then ill construed with 
nauyoga. Moreover, we know from line 29 of the inscription, nauyoga 
as an epithet for Pradamara. So nauyoga is the epithet here and 
Cudamani and Nagarasri are two place-names here. 

347. Fz. p. 401, col. I. 

348. No. 52, L. 29 : 

349. Xy. pp. 514-15 : 

Pala-boat : It denotes the boats which are co\ered with cloth to 
control the fast wind and thus this covered cloth acts as its protector 
(pala) against the wind. 

350. Fz. p. 243, col. 2-3. 

351. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 289, L.12. 

352. ibid : STT ...^j^-^r^cfsq'-^^-i'T^nir-^T^TfTrTr ^ (?r*r) (1). 

353. From Y/^T to live. Fz. p. 947, col. 3; Ibid., Cf. crRTT a sleeping 
or a bed-chamber, modern STTST for Hotel and restaurant, usually used by 


354. No. 40, L. 1 ' 

355. (Dx) 1 , p 257. Fleet translates 'situated at Ayodhya' which is 
wrong. Vasaka is a 'place-name termination' here Cf. No. 5, L. 6 (ftwara- 
vasaka), No. 40, L. I 'Anandapuravasaka'. 

356. No. 39, LL. 10-11 : 3TRtEre-?TTH \*\\<W < WT: 

357. ^n?fter^ 23. 7 : 

358. Adipurana, XII. 78 : 

359. p. 24 : 

360. B.C. Law, Yx.p. 67., 

361. Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 442. 

362. Sarga, XIII, V. 79 : XIV, V. 13. 

363. Loc. cit, p. 24 : Hemakosa quoted by N.L. Dey in his NX. p. 174 

364. Pathak, Dy. p. 55. 

365. Narain, Fg. Appendix, IV, p. 175; NJ. XIV, 402. 

The other reading quoted by Dr. V. Pathak is : 

Pathak refers to the verse as appearing in the Brhatsamhita, which is 
obviously a mistake. 

366. Cunningham, Sz. p. 405. 

367. Dey, NX. p. 14. 

368. Ramayana, I. 5.6 : 

V. Pathak, Dy. p. 50. 

369. B.N. Puri, Ax. pp. 12-13. 

370. Ibid., p. 14. 

371. Muktikopaniad, ch. I. 

372. Dey, NX. p. 14. 

373. B.N. Puri, Ax. pp. 14-15. 

374. No. 5, L. 6 : 

375. (Dx) 1 . p. 31. 

376. GJ. II, p. 99. 

377. XIV, V. 15 : 



378. No. I, L. 21 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 35. 
379- HJ., 1926, p. 229. 

380. Diskalkar, Iz., p. 35. 

381. GJ., XVII, p. 362 : R.D. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, p. 115. 

382. No. 28, L. 25, V. 5 : 

383. Fz. p. 373, col. I. 

384. i, 44, 10 : 114, 1 : ii.12.7 : x.146, 1 : 149, 4 etc. 
Av. iv. 36, 7-8, V, 17, 4 : VI, 40. 2 etc. 
Vajasaneyl Samhita, iii, 45 : xx. 17 etc. 

385. Chandogya Upanisad, VIII, 6, 2. 

386. Vg. Vol. I, p. 244. 

387. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 144. 

388. Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 13, 4. 

389. Vg. Vol. I, p. 245, Cf. Baden Powell, Village Communities in India, 

390. iv, 2, 22. 

391. Samaranganasutradhara(ed.)T.G. Shastri, 10/83-87. 

392. Ibid., 10/79 

393. Ibid., 18/2-4. 

394. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2. 

395. Pandey, Bg. p. 161. 

396. GJ.XV, p. 71. 

397. Ibid., II, p. 105, No. 74. 

398. Sircar, Hz. pp. 290-91 f.n. 4 : Konow thinks that there is refe- 
rence to the village Bharadi. 

399. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p.' 108. 

400. Xy. p. 312. 

401. The reading is checked by me. 

402. Fz. p. 396, col. 1. 

403. It has been variously explained by scholars : 

(i) Sircar, Hz., p. 337 f.n. 3 "The peak of the Himalayas" 
(ii) Basak, : GJ. XV, p. 140. "The Summit of the Himalaya" 
(iii) Sen, (Kz) 1 , "the top of a snowy mountain" 
The explanation of Sircar is more explicit- 

404. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3; Oz. pp. 217-23. 

405. See note 403. 

406. No. 36, LL. 5-8 : spfa sf fefT^lT^T fwrfqw...^^ I 

407. Sircar, Hz. p. 348 : LL. 8-9 : i.e. No. 37 in the list. 

408. Nos. 34 and 36, Sircar also agrees to it. Sircar, Oz. p. 218. 

409. Xy. p. 373, col. 3, col. 2. 


(for man) in Nepal and Kashmir; 



410. No. 37, L. 8 : Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 348, f.n. 3. 

411. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp. 24,400 and note 3. 

412. Oz. p. 218; Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3. 

413. Xy. p. 300, jffcs (iffcs) =Tffarf1, Tftsff % T^pT ^T ^TFT 

414. Fz. p. 631, col.' 2. 

415. No. 43, L. 22 : <rfH$m- JTr^fispE T-frre-4) ^ H fcr (?%) fa f^rar (37) <r 

416. Fz. p. 360, col. 2. 

417. Ibid., p. 345, col. 3. The word gandhika has been used as the 
name of a country for gaodika, see also p. 346. 

418. Sircar, Hz. p. 344, f.n. 3. 

419. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 493. 'Ambila-gramagrahara' is mentioned in the 
Nandapur grant. 

420. Ibid., pp. 493-94. 

421. Xy. p. 17. 

422. Fz. p. 6. 

423. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n.l. 

424. No. 15, L. 5 : s^sfcr^ WR<% ^pr ^ 

425. (Dx) 1 , p. 66. 

426. Ibid., p. 66 : CJ. Vol I, p. 21 ff. 

427. No. 52, LL. 7-8 : <rfr?ftmq- fa^K (=ET) 

428. No. 52, L. 27 : 

429. No. 21, L. 7. 

430. Pandey, Bg. p. 130 ; Bengal Village Directory, Vol. XXVII p. 166. 

431. Fz. p. 887, col. 3. 

432. Sircar, Hz. pp. 352-54. See the transliteration in LL. 2 and 20. 

433. Ibid., p. 354, L. 20. 

434. Ibid., pp. 360-61. See the transliteration. While in this inscription 
it is clearly with short 'i': 

No. 43, L. 2 *nft^Tfrnj, Cf. No. 28, L.3 f^^r^ : L-9, L.15 fcR=r- 
Tft^ffcft; L. 7 ^ft^^ft; L. 12 =nrrft^ft: = (Hz/p. 360). 

435. Vatodaka=Vata+udaka. 

436. Fz. p. 914. col. 3. 

437. No. 30, LL. 4-5 : 

438. GJ. XXVI, p. 117, f.n.l. . X -H 
Compare Agodaka (Agrodaka) on coins=Agroha : 

439. Sircar, Hz. p. 355; Oz. p. 218 : Sen, (Kz) 1 ,.?. 109. 

440. No. 44, L. 2 : 

441. Fz, p. 942, col 3. 



442. Ibid., p. 610, col. 2. 

443. Ibid., sft 


444. Illustrated Ardhamagadhi Dictionary (IA) HI/528 : 
Abhidhanarajendra, V. 729, vide Pz. p. 53. 

445. Winternitz, By. II, 434. 

446. Barbarians Fz. p. 638, col I. 

447. fcftjpT ffe^t vft T^iniT cTqfa^: I 

<Tf^R?T ||6ll 

Samaranganasutradhara, of king Bhojadeva (ed.) by T. Ganapati 
Shastri, Vol. 1, 1924, 18.6.; (ed.) by D.N. Shukla, p.99. 

448. (Mg) 1 , "Non-Aryan Influence on Sanskrit", p. 384. 

449. Dey, NX. second edition, 1927, Preface, p.l. 

450. UJ. 1898, pp. 369-70. 

451. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 33. 

452. GJ. XII, p, 212. 

453. JJ. I. p. 682. 

454. Fy. Vol. I, p. 116. 

455. Ibid., p. 116. 

456. JJ. I.p. 682. 

457. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145. 

458. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33. 

459. Fz. p. 232, Col. I, Cf . faT*cFTT^ ^T q^tsfq 1 STTZRT Eranda seems 
to be a non-Aryan word. 

460. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n. 1 : Fz., p. 367, col. I from Sanskrit 
gosala=a cow-stall. Another Prakrit form is gosala see p. 303, col. 3 : it 
has been used here to denote a country : GJ. XX, p. 60. 

461. No. 28, LL. 3, 7, 9, 12, 15. 

462. No. 43, L. 2. 

463. No. 28, L. 18 : 

464. No. 44, L. 24 : rn^ 

465. The reading has been checked by me. 

466. No. 44. L.2. 

r ) 

467. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n. I : (Kz.) 1 , p. 117. 

468. Fz. p. 914, col. 3. 

469. No. 44, L. 2. 

470. Fz. p. 914, col. 3. 

471. V.S. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1015 : qrr*f ?re: 3^ 

472. Xy. p. 25. 

473. Fz. p. 614, col. 3 : Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1008. 

474. Sircar, Hz. p. 342, f.n. 4. 

475. Sankalia, Pz. p. 56. 

476. Fz. p. 1275, col. 2. 

477. Ibid., p.65, col. I. 


478. Ibid.; p. 1003, col, 3. 

479. GJ. XXVII, p. 13, see No. 32, verses 18 and 11. 

480. Fz. p. 332. col. I. 

481. Vg. Vol. I, pp. 210-11. 

482. X.33.6. 

483. i, 110, 5. 

484. i, 100,18 : ix. 85,4 : 91. 6 : Maitrayani Samhita, ii,2,ll. 

The wider sense of 'place' also occurs V. 2, 3: 45, 9 : VI, 47, 20 
etc., and often later. 

485. iv, 18, 5 : V, 31, 4 : X.I. 18 : XI, 1,22 : Taittiriya Samhita, ii, 2,1,2 : 
Chandogya Upanisad, VII, 24,2 etc. 

486. Atharvaveda ii, 29, 3 : XIV, 2,7 : Satapatha Brahmana i, 4, 1 : 15.16 

487. Rgveda, IV. 37,1,2 : VII, 35, 10 : X. 66, 13 : Atharvaveda, ii, 8, 5. 

488. Macdonell,K^/c Mythology, p. 138. 

489. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2. 

490. Xy. p. 279, col. 2-3. 

491. Ibid., col. 2. 

492. Hindi and Gujarati Khera, Agrawala, Jy. p. 66. 

493. T.G. Shastri, (ed.) 10/79 : for Hindi trans. D.N. Shukla, p. 108 : 
^TTR^T f^rnftszf 

494. Fz. p. 340, col. 2. 

495. K.L. Lele, Studies in the historical and cultural geography and 
ethnography of Rajaputana, Poona Univ. Thesis, 1962 , p. 84. 

496. Vide, Ibid., see Paul Whelly, VJ. II, 37. 

497. JJ. VI, p. 52. 

498. Ibid., p. 45. 

499. Ibid., p. 45 "These words mostly non-Sanskritic in origin, 
survive in modern dialects through a millenium and a half, with very 
little change in their form or meaning". 

500. Fz. p. 1011, col. I. 

501. We also find a kind of 'Sun' known as Lolarka. 

502. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. pp. 65-66. 

503. Fz. p. 775, col. I. 

504. Xy. p, 690, col, I; p. 668, col. 3. 

505. Ibid., p. 799, col. 2 : p. 636, col. I : p. 635, col. 3 Cf. Fz., p, 985 
col. 2 : vilsla=a yantra or machine, bilala=a cat : 

cf. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 93 : Vilala=Sk,. an instrument, a machine : 
cf. bilala=a cat used as a totem or a combination of bil and al. 

506. JJ. VI, p. 49. 

507. Hz. p. 335, f.n. 3. 

508. T. Burrow (Mg) 1 , 'Non-Aryan influence on Sanskrit', p, 384 : 
bidala, birala ('Cat')i Tamil, Malayalam : veruku, Kannada : berku. 

509. Cf. Vaidya-k$etra, ahead- 

510. Xy. p. 378, col. 3. 



511. Ibid. , See 

512. fromV^ 

513. Agrawala, Jy. p. 190. 

514. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part I, p. 65. Yugma-setu for Jora-Sako. 

515. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 94. 

516. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, pp. 944-45. Cf.*^^: t^pnr: 

517. See, notes 505 and 508. 

518. Fz. 1003, col. 3 : Monier Williams, Buddhism, pp. 68, 81. 

519. Sen, (Kz) 1 . p. 93 : Sircar, Hz. p. 343, note. 8. 

520. GJ. II. p. 389. No. 311 : also see p. 369. 

521. dHlfcvMT, Introduction, p. 47. 

522. Fz. p. 871, col. 3. 

523. V. S. Apte, Gz. p. 1036, Col. II. 

524. Sircar, Hz. p. 345, f. n. 2 : JJ. VI, p, 56, f . n. I. 

525. Ibid., p. 344, f. n. I. 
Cf. Xy. p. 482 : 
^fa*r=^fa qfTT STPT^R, fajTFT I 

526. Sircar, Hz. p. 344, f. n. I. " 

527. Ibid., p. 345, f. n. I. 

528. Cf. see Pakka-vilala in the place-names ending in ksetra. 
529 No. I, L. 20. 

530. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 626. 

531. H. C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453, also see note 5. 

532. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33, see in Kanchi. 

533. Ibid., p. 39. 

534. Ibid. 

535. Ibid., p. 39 : JJ. p. 257. 

536. Barua, Zz. p. 42 : Law, Yx. p. 216. 

537. B. C. Law, Yx. p. 216. 

538. Pg. p. 142 : see f. n. I ; D. C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 265-66, f.n. 4. 

539. Pg. p. 142. 

540. Cunningham, Sz. p. 500 

541. Ibid. 

542. Sircar, Oz. pp. 86-87 : Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, ch. VII, 
V. 10. 

543. Ibid., p. 87 : Law, Yx. p. 226. 

544. Dey, NX. p. 87 ; Puri, Ax. pp. 85-88. 

545. GJ. II, p. 353, LL. 48-49 ; Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172. 

546. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172, see also f. n. 3; JJ. XIX, p. 214. 

547. T^TsPTfT^Toqir, ^sf: *nf: S?ft 81-84. 

548. B. S. Upadhyaya, India in Kalidasa, p. 63. 

549. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172. 

550. ^f^TT XIV, 6, p. 119. 

551. spTWfarraT, srszTPT 17, p. 235. 

552. Chatterji, Hg. pp. 77-78. 


553. Dey, NX. p. 87 : Puri, Ax. p. 85. 

554. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145 ; Law, Yx. p. 161 

555. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II. p. 33. 

556. B. N. Puri, Ax. p. 31. 

557 GJ. Vol. 6, p. 84 : GJ. Vol. I, p. 2 : GJ. Vol. VIII, p. 24. Cf. R. 
Gopalan, Gy. (1928) 

558. ---- for more details : Puri, Ax, p. 31 ; R. D. Banerji, Fy. 
Vol. I, p. 116. 

559. Puri, Ax. p. 31. 

560. Kielhorn, (ed.), Mahabhvsya, Vol. II, p. 298. 

561. Beal, U. Vol. II, p. 230 

562. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, pp. 711-12. 

563. 3rzft2TT TTT^TT ^wrsft ^r^ft sr^r-cr^T i 

jft ?K3cft t^T *Tf3% JTteTCTznfn-: || ;See Dy. p. 52 note 

564. IV, 19, 15. 

565. III. 124. 

566. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 712. 

567. VIII. 38.8. 

568. XII. 50 : jisfrj ^\<ft JTJT^T ^rs^ft jfK'k T^T^rfwt *T^T: I 

569. Ch. I, 19-23. " 

570. X. 79, 14. 

571. I. 17. 

572. Law, Yx. p. 161. 

573. Puri, Ax. p. 33, B.C. Law, Yx. p. 162. 

574. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 712 : Law, Yx. p. 162. 

575. Puri, Ax. pp. 33-34. 

576. R. S. Tripathi, Zx. p. 454 : Oy. 1936, pp. 304-7. 

577. Puri, Ax. p. 34. 

578. No. 28, L. 6 : TOft^fRifrnnro^*^ 

irof- 'T^^r^-ftr^Tirfw^Trrsrfeif^T^:. . . i 

579. KaSlkhanda, 26. 67 : 30. 5. 

580. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, pp. 624-25. 

581. Law, Tg. p. 102. 

582. Kane, (Zx) 1 , pp. 624-25. 

583. Law, Yx. p. 46 : Vg. Part I, p. 153, f. n. I. 

584. Law, Yx. p. 46. Banarasi or VaranasI was named so as it con- 
fined the area between Varana and AST rivers : Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 60 : 
Dey, NX. p. 95. 

585. HJ. Vol. XV, pp. 138-141, LL. 9-10 : 

586. Chaudhuri, JX. p. 61. 

587. Pt. I, p. 72 : 



588. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 60. 

589. Dey, NX. p, 95. 

590. Puri. Ax. pp. 38-39. 

591. Ibid., p. 39. 

592. Ibid. 

593. Kielhorn, (ed.), Mahabhasya, Vol. II. p. 413 

594. Law, Yx., p. 47. 

595. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV. p. 624 ff. 

596. Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I : Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 64-66 : GJ. Ill, pp 
351-54 : GJ. XI, p. 184. 

597. Sircar, op. cit., p. 265, f. n. I : Chaudhuri, op. cit. p. 64. 

598. R. D. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, p. 115 : Dey, NX. pp. 103, 117. 

599. K. D. Bajpai, 'The Cultural Heritage of Mahakosala' vide FJ. 
No. 28, July 1965. (Ministry of Education, Govt. of India), p. 37. 

600. Ibid., p. 39. 

601. Dey, NX. p. 104. 

602. Ibid., p. 104. 

603. A. C. Woolner, 'Prakrit and Non-Aryan Strata in the Vocabulary 
of Sanskrit', vide Kz. p. 70. 

604. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 72. 

605. Ibid., p. 72 : also see f. n. 6 : GJ. VI, p. 141, L. 21. 

606. Sircar, Oz. p. 34. tfm? 

607. sFTozrift*mTr SRTCWrsszrFT: P- 235 

608. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, pp. 115-16, Law, Yx p. 167. 

609. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, pp. 115-16. 

610. (Dx) 1 , p. 8. 

611. Majumdar, Pg. p. 146, f. n. I. 

612. Vizagapatam District Gazetteer, I, 137 : Law Yx. p. 167. 

613. (Dx) 1 , p. 7, f. n. I. The reading has been checked by me and is 
found to be 'Kauralaka. 

614. JJ. I, p. 252. 

615. Calcutta Review, Feb. 1924, p. 253 note : Cf. Raychaudhuri, Az. 
pp. 452-53. 

616. GJ. VI. p. 3, f. n. 3 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 35. 

617. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 130, v. 28. 

618. Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I. 

619. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 35. 

620. No. I, L. 20. 

621. JJ. Vol. I, p. 685. 

622. LJ. 1837, p. 973. 

623. Law, Yx. p. 113. 

624. Daniel Wright, Ey. p. 89 : Regmi, K. pp. 4-5, 11-12. 

625. Dey, NX. p. 140. 

626. B. C. Law, Yx. p. 113 


627. Law, Yx. pp. 113-14. 

628. Sircar, Oz. p. 77 

629. Book III, ch. VII. v. 36 : 

630. Law, Yx. p. 113. 

631. GJ. I, p. 309. 

632. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145 : Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I : JJ. Vol. I, p. 
686; Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453. 

633. Law, Yx p. 179 : Pandey. Wx. p. 74 f. n. I. 

634. Smith, Gx. p. 301. 

635. JJ. I., p. 686. 

636. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part. II, p.34. 

637. Ibid.. 

638. Ibid., p. 33, See Kaficl. 

639. No. I.L. 22 : ?T*re5:-^rrer-y TWT-?faT5HE rT/gTTfe-M & ^ HM fcrfir : ...... \ 

640. LL. 2-3 : r/cfufq- SR^T (*R*Rr) TlT 

641. JJ. XXV, No. I, pp. 110-12. 

642. Ibid. 

643. No. I, L. 20. 

644. JJ. XXV, pp. 111-2. 

645. No. I, L. 22 ; ^^-^T^-^WT-^IT^-^Jlpjfes^^f H fa Br: ...I 

646. Sen, (Kz) 1 , pp. 208-09. 

647. No. I, LL. 22-23 : 

648. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 209. 

649. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 165. 

650. Ibid., p. 166 : Law, Yx. p. 247 : 'It was so called because the 
rivers in it had 'flat and level banks of equal height on both sides'. 

651. c^%rT Chap. XIV, p. 119 v. 6. 

652. Vy. Vol. II, pp. 188-89. 

653. Ibid., p. 189. 

654. Padmanath Bhattacharya, UJ. 1920, January, Part I, "To the 
East of Samatata", pp. 2-3. 

655. Ibid., 'This is the locality shown as Samatata in the map appended, 
to Waiters' volumes by V.A. Smith. 

656. GJ. XVII, p. 353 : Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 167. 

657. JJ. XIX, p. 214. 

658. JJ. XIX, Yadavaprakasa on the Ancient Geography of India 
p. 214. 

659. Dey, NX. p. 175 : LJ, 1915, pp. 17-18. 

660. JJ. I., 256 : Law Yx. p. 257. 

661. Law, Yx. pp. 257-58. 

662. Ibid., p. 200. 



663. Ibid.; Majumdar, Pg. p.145 : Bombay Gazetteer, Vol I, Pt. II, 
p. 280; Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453. 

664. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I. p. 116. 

665. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33. 

666. Law, Yx. p. 200. 

667. No. 46, LL. 10-11. 

668. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3. 

669. Sircar, Oz. p. 222. , 

670. No. 36, LL. 5-10. 

671. Sircar, Oz. p. 222. 

672. Maity, Ix. p. 38. 

673. Sircar, Ly. p. 165. 

674. Maity, Ix. p. 41. 

675. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1000 

*: ''''-" 

Cf. MMKMMfefa f?F!jiT^f: ^f^Rnffcr ^Rs^nr ^iV^ 
Rgveda. 4.55.3 : 8*21.5 

q^c^Tcjd is called a householder in Veda, Rgveda, I. 151. 2 : 2.11.16. In 
the Kjrtikaumudl; we find the word q^c^ used for a house, habitation or 
abode : 

qTczf JnTT^T^T . . . Kir. K. (Bombay) 9.74. %, ..,,,, V ; . 

676. No. 44. L. 2 ' oTrf^?rrf^^-f^^-^fV'f^T^ft;......r .r i,-r sxii'* 

677. No. 1. L. 27 : ^%?-^%^-HHKTl-^'-si=<^^-'i|'JNftllT^HPl^Tir-^d-?rf^- 

678. GJ. Vol. I. p. 93; XIII. pp: 17-27; XVIII; p; 51, verses 28-3^5. 

679. Arya+avarta. Avarta is a crowded place where many ,meri live 
close together or it can mean an 'abode' : Fz.p. 156; Apte, Gz. Vol. I, p. 

680. Kewal Motwani, , Manu Dharma Sastrcg VA;' Sociological and 
Historical Study", p. 374. 

681. Ibid., p. 374. I? .1 

682. Ibid. 

683. Wilson, Ariana Antigua, London, pp. 121-22, Jx.p. 133, f.n.L 

684. Law, "Aryavarta" JJ. XXV, No. I, pp. 114-15. Baudhayana 
Dharmasutra I.I. 5-6,2.9-10, 1.1.25 : 1.2.6,1.3-7, 1.8 : Mahabhaya on 
Panini VI.3.109, II.4.10. 

685. Law, JJ. XXV, No. 1, p. 120 : Vg. II, p. 125 Cf. Baudhayana, II, 

5TTM4^FnTcMcil c H>M e ti c HK4fT'r'T f^drfl^cF mK^i^^cl^T^WTi ^ I 
cff? 1 ^ zr 3TT^TT: fl" HHI^I^ I T'*I R^ifKcl^f^c^^ I 

686. II.2. 

687. Vg. Vol. II, p. 125 : see Madhya-deSa. 

688. Mahabhasya on Panini, VI. 3.109 : II.4.10 : Dey, NX. p. 12. 

689. See on Kanakhala, Hultzsch, HJ. 34, 179. 
"690. B.C. Law, JJ. XXV, NO. I, p. 121. 


691. Rangaswami Aiyangar, Rajadharma, p. 50 : Sircar, Oz. p. 172, 
f.n. 3. 

692. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 8. 

693. Agrawala, Jy. p. 39. 

694. Manu smrti, 2, II, 22 : 


f*pff: STTZTcrr STT: II 

695. TTsrsNr, h|oi|4)^mi, 3T5ZTT2T 17, TO 235 : 

696. Balaramayana, Act 6, V.S. Apte's Rajasekhara, his life and 
writings, p. 21. 

697. Cf. (Dx) 1 , p. 13, f.n. 5. 

698. Bhavanagar edn. p. 397. 

699. TrsRTTf^Wt-^m 

p. 14:5.152, 1.313, 1,341,6.87. 

700. No. 5, L. 1 : No. 2, L. 2 : 

701. Sircar, Hz. p. 281, f.n.3. 

702. (Dx) 1 , p. 31 also see f.n.I. 

703. Ibid., p. 31 : 

(i) <T)T<?>wiT^ ^TT^^ft qT 
"the measuring staff of (Buddha), the Divine one, at Kakanada". 
(ii) "tfjfrsra 1 Tftftpprcr ^Tw^-q~*n*FTtf ^"tf^T-'ftcRr" : 
"(the relics) of the virtuous Prabhasana of Kakanada, the Goti- 
putra, of the Kaundinya gotra". 

704. Cf. Dey, NX. p. 83 : Sircar, Hz. p. 280. 

705. Cf. Xy. p. 639 : 

706. (Dx) 1 . p. 31 

707. NJ. Vol. XVIII, 1952, Pt. II, p. 212. 

708. No. I, L. 22 : (Dx) 1 , pp. 8,14. 

709. Jayaswal, 'The Kakas... their location" NJ, Vol. XV1IT, 1932, Pt. 
II, pp. 212-13. P. 212 'Kakapura is situated on a river and a hill opposite 
the village by the road has two square temples and a few Gupta Sculptures. 
A large number of pillars and Sati memorials cover the plain in front of 
the temple hill. Medieval inscriptions are also in evidence. They with the 
temples testify to the continued importance of the place, from the Gupta 
to the medieval period. 

710. No. 22, LL. 6-7. 

711. (Dx) 1 ,p. 260, f.n. 4. 

712. XIV.V. 24 : 

713. No. 20, L. I : 



714. Law, Tg. p. 265 : Chaudhury, Jx. p. 181 : though it occurs in 
another earlier inscription (GJ. XXI, 85ff) but the reading is disputed 
Ibid., p. 181, f.n.4. 

715. Bajpai, Ry. p. 358. 

716. Panini 4. 2. 81; Jz. p. 72. 

717. GJ. Vol. V. 

718. IJ. Vol. II, p. 755 : Law, Yx. pp. 268-69. 

719. ii. 1.1 : Vg. Vol. II, p. 237. 

720. i,l,14. 

721. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 179. 

722. Chatterji, Hg. Vol. I. p. 76. 

723. Mahabharata, VII, 159.3. 

724. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 180. 

725. Jy. p. 432. 

726. IV, 1. 176-78 : Agrawala, Jy. p. 91. 

727. IV. 1.4, Keilhorn's edition, II, p. 282. 

728. Artha-Sastra (Shamashastri, ed.), p. 82. 

729. IX, 23.5. 

730. c 4.35 

731. Ibid., 4.36. 


, <To ^o, 3fST 

STT^ff fctf 

733. XIV. p. 119, V. 8 : 

3lT<l4^ I f^RT ^f 91 ^1 *t> m ^' =T ^ TH l ^' ^1 6 ^. I ^' I I 

'Upa-Vanga iscommonly identified with some portions of the Gangetic 
Delta'. Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 182. 

734. snfort, sremzr 104 > ^rto 52-55 


1 1 53 

: n54 



P- 348. 

In Punjab bangles are called 'Vanga'. Firstly they might have been 
made by Vanga (lead). Sikhs still use Kara made of lead as a mark of 
their religion. 

736. Jz. Introduction, p. 47. 

737. IJ. Vol. II, pp. 755-56. 

738. GJ. V.p. 257. 


739. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 184-85. 

740. The derivation of Abul Fazl 'van ga+al (Sanskrit ali 'dike'), 
Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 19, seems to be incorrect : Sircar, Oz. 'Bengal', 
p. 132). 

"The prakrit suffix 'ala' gives the same sense as "vat' or "am" in 
Sanskrit : Cf. Jadala=Sansk.Jatavat : Jo-hala=Jyotsnavat : Sihala= 
Sikhavat. See R. Pischel Grammatic der Prakrit Sprachen, 402, 505. 
The term 'vangala' may thus represent Vangavat, applied to a country 
inhabited by the Vangas. Also see Madhava Campu, 26. Vide Jz. 
' 46 : 

i *&r 


741. Sircar, Oz. p. 131 . 

742. JJ. XIX, X p. 214 ff. : IJ. VII, p. 411. 

743. Ibid., pp. 219-20 : Sircar, Oz. p. 125. 

744. ^ ^frf|cm^V, of Yasodhara on Vatas. Sutra (VI. 5.25, p. 294) 
ed. by Damodara Gosvamin : IJ. II, 755 ff. Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 187. 

n r y 

Names of the Rivers 
and the Mountains 


1. Ganga (No. 1, L. 31, No. 13, L. 16) : 

In Inscription No. 1 Samudragupta's fame has been compared 
with the pale yellow water of the river Ganga, which travelling 
by many paths, purifies the three worlds, flowing quickly on 
being liberated from confinement in the thickets of the matted 
hair of (the) god Pa^upati. 1 In the Mandasor inscription of 
Yasodharman and Visnuvardhana 2 it is stated that when the 
river Ganga was about to descend from heaven to earth, in 
order to break the force of its fall, god Siva (PaSupati) received 
it in the matted hair coiled above his forehead and projecting 
like a horn; its waters wandered there for a thousand years, 
before they eventually reached the earth. 

In Inscription No. 13, we get a reference to Ganga in the 
context of Skandagupta's fight with the Hunas, the noise of 
which was heard like the roaring of (the river) Ganga, making 
itself noticed in their ears. 3 

A. C. Woolner 4 remarked that the name Ganga does not 
seem to have a convincing derivation on the Aryan side. But 
we do find the word in the Unadi affixes. The affix Gan 
comes after the root Gam 'to go' and the word Ganga is 
formed. 5 

The earliest mention of Ganga is in the Rgveda. 6 The name 
also occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana 7 and the Taittirlya 
Aranyaka. 8 We find it also in Patanjali's Mahabhasya, 9 and 
in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa. 10 It is mentioned many times in 
the Puranas 11 in which a good deal of religious importance is 
attached to it. 12 

The Ganga emerges first in the Gangotri in the district of 


Garhwal and proceeds in different courses from Hardwar to 
Bulandshahar and from Allahabad to Rajmahal from where it 
enters Bengal. 13 

2. Hacata Gahga (No. 52, L. 31) : 

We find the mention of Hacata Ganga in inscription No. 52, 
but it is difficult to identify it. It may, however, be remarked 
here that the word Ganga is to be taken in the sense of a 
river. 14 

3. Jambunadi (No. 37, L. 17) : 

Sen considers it to be the name of a river. 15 It has been 
described as the name of one of the seven arms of the heavenly 
Ganga. 16 We also know of a Jambunadi as a vlthl in the Gaya 
Visaya mentioned in the Nalanda plate of Dharmapaladeva. 17 

4. Kalindl ("^o. 18 L. 3) : 

According to the inscription in the reign of Budhagupta, his 
feudatory, Maharaja Surasmicandra was governing the country 
lying between the river Kalindl and Narmada. 18 Kalindl is 
the same as the river Yamuna. 19 The Yamuna has got its 
source from the Kalindadesa, a mountainous country situated 
in the Bandarapuccha range or the Himalaya and hence the 
river is called Kalindl. 20 In the Puranas we get the earlier 
mention of Kalindl by both the names, Kalindl as well as 
Yamuna. 21 The Kalindl is also mentioned in the Sisupalavadha 
of Maga. 22 

5. Narmada (No. 18, L. 3) : 

The above-mentioned inscription describes reign of Maharaja 
Surasmicandra, a feudatory of Budhagupta, as governing over 
the area between the rivers Kalindl and Narmada. 23 This is 
one of the earliest inscriptional references to the river Nar- 
mada. 24 It is mentioned as Narmados by Ptolemy. 25 No ex- 
press reference to the Narmada can be traced in the Vedic 
literature. But the knowledge of the river is implied in the 
reference to a chief Revottaras mentioned in the Satapatha 
Brahmana. 26 We find from the Amarakosa 27 that Reva is 
another name of the river Narmada. It is likely that the 
name of the chief was derived from his association with the 
river. 28 The Raghuvamsa speaks of Mahismati as the capital 
of Anupa on the bank of the Reva (i. e. Narmada). 29 It has 
been mentioned several times in the Mahabharata and the 



Puranas. 30 The Visnupurana says that by chanting a mantra 
addressed to the Narmada, one does not have any fear from 
serpents. 31 The river rises in the Amarakantaka mountain and 
falls into the Gulf of Cambay. The junction of the Narmada 
with the sea is a sacred place of pilgrimage. 32 According to 
the Puranas it flows from a Rksvat (a part of the Vindhyan 
range) though some of them refer to it arising directly from 
the Vindhya itself. 33 

It is stated in the Kurma and Matsya Puranas that a man 
who commits suicide at any tirtha on the Narmada or on the 
Amarakantaka does not return to this world. 34 Several rivers 
such as Kapila, Visalya, Erandl, Iksunadi and Kaverl 35 are 
mentioned as falling into the Narmada. 

6. Padma (No. 16, L. 5) : 

The inscription No. 16 refers to a brahmana named Devavisnu, 
who belonged to the community of Caturvedins of Padma of 
the town of Indrapura. 36 The Ganga is also known as Padma 
or Padda. 37 The community of the brahmanas mentioned in 
the inscription might have lived by the side of the river. 
D. C. Sircar takes Padma to be the name of a locality in the 
town of Indrapura. 38 The inscription (No. 16) also tells us 
that Skandagupta's feudatory visayapati Sarvanaga was govern- 
ing Antarvedi or the country lying between the Ganga and the 
Yamuna. 39 

7. PalasinI^ (NO. 14, L. 16) : 

This river Palnsim issues from the mountain Raivataka. On 
account of the flood it had swollen. The poet, in describing 
the scene says that the river had gone to join the sea. Palasint 
is described as emanating from the mountain Urjayat (i. e. the 
same as Raivataka). 41 We find another PalasinI, (mod. Paras), 
a tributary of the Koel in Chotanagpur. 42 It seems that the 
river was decorated with numerous Palasa (flower) trees that 
grew on its banks. The flowers falling in the river must have 
given it the name of PalasinI. 43 

8. Sikata** (No. 14, L. 16) : 

The river Sikata takes its source from the mountain Raivataka. 
It is the same as Suvarna-sikata mentioned in the Junagarh 
Rock Inscription of Rudradaman. 45 This Sikata or Suvarnasi- 
kata is to be identified with modern Sonarekha. 46 The name 


Suvannareha (Suvarnarekha) is also met with in Vividhatir- 
thakalpa. 47 Thus the first part of the river's name has remained 
unchanged for about two thousand years. The second part has 
been replaced by a new one. The exact derivative as suggested 
by Chatterji will be a form like SonasItaorSonasT. 48 The river 
was named Suvarnasikata because its sand contains particles of 

9. Sindhu (No. 20, L. 2) : 

The river is mentioned in connexion with the description of 
the victories of king Candra who is said to have conquered the 
Vahlikas after having crossed the seven mouths of the (river) 
Sindhu 5 ^ i n warfare. Sindhu in the Rgveda 51 and the Athar- 
vaveda 52 often means simply a 'stream'. The Rgveda (VIII. 
24.27) refers to 'Sapta Sindhavah' or 'the seven rivers'. 53 But 
it is also 54 used in the more exact sense of the 'stream' par 
excellence or 'The Indus'. We get a reference to Sindhu as a 
river in the Amara-kosa. 55 The territories adjoining it were 
famous for horses 56 and salt. 57 

The term Sindhu was corrupted to Hindu in the old Per- 
sian inscriptions of Darius I (516-485 B. C.), and to Indus by 
the Ionian (=Panini's Yavana) Greeks. 58 The word 'India' is 
derived from the river Sindhu or the Indus. 59 Taking its rise 
from the snows of Western Kailasa in Tibet, the Sindhu first 
flows north-west of Kashmir and South of little Pamir, and 
then takes a southward course along which lay some of the 
important cities of north India. Emerging from the Darad 
high-lands, the river (Daradi Sindhuh) enters the Gandhara 
country until it receives its most important western tributary 
the Kabul river at Ohind, a few miles north of Attock. 60 

The river Sindhu is mentioned in the Puranas along with 
the Ganga, Sarasvati, Satluj, Chinab and Yamuna. 61 

Vogel suggests that the expression 'Sindhor sapta mukhani' 
may indicate the 'sapta sindhavah' of the Rgveda, i.e. the 
river Indus and its tributaries. The term mukha would then 
be not taken in the sense of 'the mouth of a river', but as 
meaning a river-head. 62 But tlxc translation of the expression 
as done by Fleet (i. e. the seven mouths of the river Indus) is 
generally accepted. 63 The seven mouths of the river Indus 
thus represent the points of its confluence with its tributaries 



and not the tributaries individually as suggested by Vogel. 

10. Sudarsana (No. 14, L. 15 : L. 17) : 

It is the name of a lake situated at some distance from 
Girinagara as mentioned in the Junagarh Rock Inscription of 
Rudradaman I (A.D. J50). 64 The lake was originally cons- 
tructed by the Vaisya Pusyagupta, the provincial governor of 
the Maurya king Candragupta. Later on during the reign of 
Asoka it was adorned with conduits, by the Yavana governor 
Tusaspha. 65 The same lake was destroyed by the excessive 
floods in the Suvarnasikata, PalasinI and other streams arising 
from the mountain Urjayat. 66 By a breach, four hundred and 
twenty cubits long, just as much broad, (and) seventy-five 
cubits deep, all the water flowed out, so that, the lake, almost 
like a sandy desert became extremely ugly to look at. 67 The 
lake was immediately beautified with repairs by king Rudrada- 
man. 68 

Inscription No. 14 informs us that during the reign of 
Gupta king Skandagupta in the year 136 (G. E.), due to heavy 
continuous rains the Sudarsana lake burst out on all sides 69 
and had the appearance of a sea. Eventually, contrary to the 
literal meaning of its name the Sudarsana became ugly to look 
at. 70 The lake was repaired in the year 137 (G. E.) 71 (=A. D. 
456) by Cakrapalita, who was appointed governor of Giri- 
nagara by his father Parnadatta, who was Skandagupta's 
viceroy in Surastra. 72 

1 1 . Vata-nadl (No. 43, L. 22) : 

We get a reference to the Vata-nadl in an inscription at Kalai- 
kuri, Sultanpur near Naogaon, Rajshahi district, East Pakistan 
now Bangla Desh. It was flowing to the east of a village 
named Dhanyapatalika. 

'The Vata nadi appears to be the modern Bara-nai, Singra 
lying about 10 miles to the north-east of its junction with the 
Atrai. 73 It flews west to east through the southern part of the 
Rajshahi district 74 

12. VilasiniK (No. 14, L. 16): 

The river comes out from the mountain Raivataka. Fleet 
takes Sikatavilasini as an adjective of the Palas"im 76 but the 
three, Sikata, Vilasini and Palasim seem to be separate rivers 
as we find the use of the plural number in the case which 


denotes the mention of more than two rivers. Hence VilasinI 
is the third river in the context : the other two being Pilasim 
and Sikata (Suvarnasikata). 


1. Kailasa (No. 17, L. 6 : L. 13): 

In L. 6 of the inscription the poet while giving an account of 
the city of Dasapura describes its buildings as lofty like the 
mountain Kailasa itself. 77 L. 13 describes the mountain Kailasa 
as one of the breasts of the earth (the other being Sumeru) which 
was being reigned over by the Gupta king Kumaragupta. 78 

Kailasa mountain is situated about 25 miles to the north of 
Mana-sarovara beyond GangrI and to the east of the Niti 
Pass. 79 The Mahabharata 80 includes the Kumaun and Garhwal 
mountains in the Kailasa range. The mountain also known 
as Hemakuta, Samkaragiri and is to be identified with the 
Astapada mountain of the Jainas. 81 It surpasses in beauty the 
big Gurla or any other of the Indian Himalaya. 82 Traditionally 
it is supposed to be the habitat of Siva and Parvati. 83 

2. Raivataka (No. 14, L. 16) (the same as Urajayat see 
Urjayat) : 

Raivataka is also mentioned in the Adi-Parvan of the Maha- 
bharata, 84 the Vividhatirthakalpa, 85 the Brhatsamhita, 86 the 
Dohad Stone Inscription of Mahamuda, 87 and the Jaunpur In- 
scription of Isanavarman. 88 Its modern name Girnar was a 
switch over to it from the city name Girinagara, i. e., 'a city 
on or at the foot of a hill'. 89 Raivataka derives its name 
from king Revata, the father of RevatI, (the wife of Baladeva, 
Krsna's elder brother). 90 Revata is supposed to have come 
there from Dwaraka and lived on the hill. There is still a 
tank called Revatl-kunda near Damodarakunda in the gorge 
of the hill. 91 The Gujarati Sanskrit poet Magha in the Sisu- 
palavadha devotes the whole of Canto IV (verses 1-68) to the 
description of the Raivataka mountain. In Canto VI (verses 
1-79) the poet describes the occurrence of six seasons one by 
one at the mountain Raivataka. 

3. Sumeru (No. 17, L. 13, No. 32, L. 15) : 
In No. 17 the mountain Sumeru is described as one of the 
breasts of the earth (the other being Kailasa) and the Gupta 



king Kumaragupta is mentioned as the lord of the earth. In 
No. 32 it has been named as Amarabhudhara. Its other names 
are Meru, Karnikacala, Ratnasanu, Svargiri, Svargigiri and 
Kancanagiri. 92 

Sumeru is identified with Rudra Himalaya in Garhwal, 
where the river Gariga has its source, it is near Badarikasrama. 93 
According to the Matsya Purana 94 the Sumeru Parvata is 
bounded on the north by Uttara-Kuru, on the South by 
Bharatavarsa, on the west by Ketumala and on the east by 
Bhadrasvavarsa. 95 It is also mentioned in the Padmapurana. 96 
and the Kalikapurana. 97 According to the Kalikapurana Siva saw 
the summit of it. We also learn from this text that the Jambu 
river flows from this mountain. 98 We also find the mention of 
the Meru in the Sisupalavadha of Magha. It was on account 
of the eminence of Sumeru among the mountains that for 
praising kings they were described as 'Meru' among kings. 99 
This metaphor may have been applied after the contention of 
the Puranas that the earth is supposed to be like lotus, with 
four Mahadvipas as its four petals and mount Meru as its 
pericarp. 100 

4. Urjayat (No. 14, L. 16) : 

The poet here draws a picture : the lake Sudarsana looked 
like the sea 101 and the rivers PalasinJ, (Suvarnasikata), etc., 
had joined it has if the mountain Urjayat had stretched his 
hand with flowers (growing on the banks of the trees and thus 
falling in the rivers) for sending his daughters to their worthy 
husband. 102 Since the rivers emerged out from the mountain 
Raivataka, it may be called their father as described in verse 
28, but to avoid repetition the poet uses in verse 29 a synonym 
of its name viz., the Urjayat and while making it the symbal 
of father represents the sea as the husband of the rivers. 103 
Thus the mountains Urjayat and the Raivataka are one and 
the same. We also get support for our suggestion from the 
fact that whereas the Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudrada- 
man describes the emergence of the rivers PalasinT, Suvarnsi- 
kata etc., from the mountain Urjayat 104 in Inscription No. 14 
the name of Raivataka is used in the same context. 105 Fleet 106 
and Sircar 107 are wrong in describing Raivataka as a hill diff- 
erent from Urjayat or Girnar -situated opposite to it. The 


Vividhatirthakalpa also uses the names Raivataka and the 
Ujjayant (Urjayat) as synonyms for Girinara which was sancti- 
fied by Srinemi and is situated in Surastra (South Kathia- 
wad). 108 In another inscription at Girnar (about 15th century) 
verses 5-8 refer to the mountain Girnar by both the names 
Ujjayanata and Raivata. 109 The Abhidhanacintamani of 
Hemacandra also mentions Ujjayanta and Raivataka as 
synonyms. 110 The Kap copper-plate of Ketadi Sadasiva-Nayaka 
also refers to Ujjantagiri (Urjayat). 111 The mountain Urjayat 
is identified with Girnar hill near Junagarh. 112 The literal 
meaning of Urjayat is strong, powerful, eminent. 113 

5. Visnupada (No. 20, L. 6) : 

We know from the inscription that a lofty standard of the 
divine Visnu was set up on the hill called Visnupada. 114 Liter- 
ally meaning 'the hill marked with footprints of Visnu', Visnu- 
pada hill has been identified with that part of the Delhi Ridge 
on which the column stands. 115 But there is no mountain in 
Delhi and the inscription appears to have been brought there 
from the mount Visnupada. 116 On the evidence from the 
Epics, this Visnupada hill is not far from Kurukshetra and the 
Beas. 11 ? 

1. L.L. 30-31, V.9 : 

r ; | j^r^r srer-asf <TST<T^ ^ di^ fjr- 
<TZT:) (n) 

2. (Dx)p. 152, LL. 1-3, p. 16, f.n. 3. 

3. No. 13, L. 16, V. 8. The text of the words in between is damaged : 


4. 'Prakrit and Non-Aryan Strata in the Vocabulary of Sanskrit' vidg 
Kz. p. 71. 

5. S.C. Basu, Og. 123 ^wreft: | <\\<\^ 
Thus Ganga, 'The river Ganges (is formed)'. 

6. X. 75. 5, VI. 45, 31. 

7. XIII, 5, 4, 11. 

8. ii, 20. 

9. Kielhorn, 1,1,9, p. 436 : 1.4.2, p. 670. 

10. ^efur IV. 73 : VII. 36 : VI. 48 ; VIII, 95 ; XIII. 57 ; XIV, 3. 

11. Sircar, Oz. pp. 38-39. 

12. Ibid., pp. 179-83 : Kane, (Zx) 1 Vol. IV, pp. 585-96. 



(Kz)i p 

"Salutation to Narmada in the morning : salutation to Narmada at 
night : Narmada ? salutation to you, save me from poisonous serpents. 

32. Dey, NX. p. 1 38, p. 4, see Amarakantaka. 

33. Sircar, Oz. pp. 49, 56 : Dey, NX. pp. 168-69. 

34. Kane, (Zx) 1 Vol. IV, p. 705. 
" 35. Ibid. 

36. No. 16, L. 5 : 

Law, Yx. p. 78. 
JJ. VI, p. 60, f.n. 2 : 

word gang 'for rivulet' is still current in East Bengal. Cf. Sen, 
. 95. 

Ibid., p. 108. 
Fz. p. 412, col. 3. 

Pandey, Eg. p. 129; GJ. Vol. XXIII, pp. 290-92. 
No. 18, LL. 2-3. 
(Dx) 1 , p. 89 : Dey, NX. p. 85. 
N.L. Dey, NX. p. 85- see Kalinda-desa. 
Sircar, Oz. p. 39 note I, p. 40. 
SisupalavadhalV. 26. 
No. 18LL. 2-3. 
Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 705. 
Ibid., p. 705. , . J. M 

XII. 9.3.1. 

1/10/32 : ^T 3 
Kane, (Zx) 1 , p. 703. 

9T VI. 43. 

Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 703. 
IV. 3. 12-13 : ^<rrt TO: 

TOT ftftr f 

See Indrapura in the place-names 

37. Chatterji, Hg. Vol, I, p. 67. 

38. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, f.n.9. 

39. (Dx) 1 , pp. 69-70 : LL. 3-4. 
40=. See the Appendix -No. V. 

41. Sircar, Hz. p. 176. 

42. Law, Yx. pp. 245, 293. 

43. (Dx) 1 . p. 46. 

44. See the Appendix No. V. 

45. Sircar, Hz. p. 176. 

46. Ibid., p. 313, f.n.l : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p.8. 

47. Vividhatlrthakalpa p. 10 : cf ^-^iftuiw % ^T, 

"f f^T ^TT I 

48. Sankalia, Pz. p. 51 : also see f.n.l. 

4?. Ibid., p. 51, f.n. 2. : MiratI. Ahmadi, Supplement, 205, takes 


note of this river. It says "Gold is deposited in its bed, but there is not 
enough to make its working profitable". 

50. No. 20, L. 2 : <facrf s^^ifr ^ 37^ favEftf^sRlT <?Tf^r, 

51. i, 97, 8 : 125, 5 : ii, 11, 9: 253-5 : iii, 53, 9 etc. 

52. iii, 13.1 : iv.24, 2 : x.4.15 : xiii, 3.50 etc. 

53. Law, Yx. p. 8 

54. Rgveda 1, 122, 6 : 126.1 : iv, 54.6 : 55.3 : v.53.9 : vii, 95, 1 : viii, 
12,3 : 25,14 : 20, 25 : 26, 18 : x.64,9 : Atharvaveda xii, 1,3 : xiv, 1,43, etc. 
Vg. Pt. II, p. 450. 

55. anmrta p. 100 : 1.10.35 : p. 458 : 3.3 101. 

56. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, VI. 2.15. 

57. smsfH P,321 : 2.9. 42. 

58. Agrawala, Jy. p. 51. 

59. Dey, NX. p. 186 : Law, Yx. p. 8. 

60. Agrawala, Jy. p. 44 : D.C. Gangoly, 'Yadavaprakasa, on the 
Ancient Geography of India', vide JJ. XIX, p. 217. 

61. Sircar, Oz. pp. 39-40. 

62. XJ. No. 22, p. 44 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 23. 

63. (Dx) 1 , p. 141 : Sircar, Oz. p. 184. 

64. Sircar, Hz. p. 176 : 

Also see f.n. 2 : Girinagara was the name of the ancient city now 
represented by Junagarh (in South Kathiawad). The Sudar&na lake was 
formed in the valley round the foot of the Girnar hills by an embank- 
ment across the gorge. 

65. Ibid., p. 177 
LL. 8-9 

66. Ibid., pp. 176-77, LL. 5-8 

67. Ibid. 

68. Ibid., pp. 179-80 : LL. 15-18 

69. igzwi Sfa fr? =qTc^TTrS; from ^e^T and not suddenly 

Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 312 f.n. 5, which is grammatically incorrect. 

70. No. 14, LL. 15-17 

The account of breach given in this inscription tallies with that of the 
Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman I : Hz. pp. 176-77, LL. 5-8. 

71. No. 4, LL. 19-21. 

72. Ibid., LL. 8-12. 

73. Sircar, Hz. p. 354. 

74. Sircar. J J. XIX, p. 20. 

75. See the Appendix No. V. 

76. (Dx) 1 , p. 64. 

77. No. 17 L.6 : 



78. Ibid.,L. 13: 

79. LJ. 1838, p. 314. 

80. Vanaparva, Ch. 144. 156. 

81. Law, Yx., p. 88 : Dey, NX. p. 83. 

82. Dey. NX. p. 82 : LT. 1848, p. 158. 

83. Law, Yx. p. 88. The Kalikapurana (Vangabasi edn.)Ch. 14.31 

84. Dey, NX. p. 165 : Pandey, Wx. p. 96, f.n.5. 

85. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 7, verse I. 

86. XIV, V. 19. 

87. GJ. XXIV, P.V. Jan. 1938, p. 216. 

88. (Dx) 1 . p. 230, L. 7. 

89. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 50-51: Fleet, (Dx) 1 p. 57. 

90. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I. Pt II, p. 55 : Sankalia, Pz. p. 51. 

91. Diskalkar. Iz. p. 55. 

92. Abhidhanacintamani, p. 234, VS. 1031-32. 

93. Mahabharata, Santi-Parvan, chs. 335, 336 : Dey, NX. p. 196. 

94. Ch. 113. 

95. Dey, NX. pp. 196-97 ; Jx. p. 87. 

96. Uttarakanda, verses 35-38. 

97. Ch. 13.23, Ch. 19.92. 

98. Ch. 17.10, Law, Yx. p. 129. 

99. GJ. XV, p. 346, V. 19. 

100. M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 2-5. 

101. No. 14, L. 18 : 

I, L. 5 : 

Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 176, Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman 

?flq if *\ q 

102. No. 14, LL. 16-17, verses 28-29. 
ZTT f ^cr^nfgfMfcrT [:] 

: u29n 

103. Ibid., LL. 16-17, VS. 28-29. 

104. Sircar, Hz. p. 176, LL. 5-6. 

105. Cf. No. 14, L. 16 : 

106. (Dx) 1 . p. 64, f.n. 1. 

107. Sircar, Hz. p. 313, f.n.I. 

108. Vividhatlrthakalpa, p. 7 : 


(TT) faw i 

r firfrfrr fVgrey: IRII 

109. D.B. Diskalkar, Inscriptions of Kathiawad, pp. 116 ff. 

110. Abhidhanacintamani, V. 1031 : g>M^r<> t^T^F: I 

111. Law, Yx. p. 300 : GJ. XXIV, Pt. V, January, 1938. 

112. Law, Yx. p. 300 : Cunningham, Sz. p. 325. 

113. Fz. p. 221, Col. 3. 

114. No. 20, L. 6 ; srarfscfOTrq^ ft^ffonratft f^of^sr: ^Tfqrr: i 

115. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 24 : Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p.' 140. 

116. M.R. Singh, MX. p. 126. 

117. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 21-27, : Sircar, Hz. p. 285, f.n.4, Cf. Maha 
bharata, III, 73, 8ff : also 103 ff. 

^ T^TT iffir: ^^ f^f^: I... 95ft 
Sliflft f^jft: 'F^TT^T 'TtT^'T, etc. 
Ibid. III. 138, 8 : 

Ramayana, II. 68, 18-19: 

j /..'.-;;; , -.-'. 
3 lii:--= ";:'.-"!"-. 

:Aj5DOH-. aHA JAvi02;?;''I 


c;]j cJ wit) ?<;;*.:! 9i i-.rncluo 

na gdlqgifijca TT . zed 

Js!.i:rn}: Jsfts^ ,>!>:; ;-- c i .fii:- I .- -. rm 


od : 'i!-r^ ?:'? 

'-> 501 i 

We have seen from the Place-names discussed earlier that 
they were named either after some hero, just as Gaya from 
Gayasura, Nepala from the name of "Ne" rsi, or after deities 
just as Pistapura, named after Pistapurika goddess. Other 
examples are Indrapura named after God Indra, Devarastra 
named after some unspecified god. Some places were named after 
number, just as Kotivarsa, Pancakulyavapaka, Pancanagarl. The 
other category of place-names includes names derived either 
from some natural surrounding just as Trivrta, having (good) 
surroundings on the three sides; Vatodaka, surrounded by water; 
Krmila, full of krmis or insects; Tumbavana, abounding in 
Tumba plants; or from the name of a tree just as Va^agohall, 
PalaSavrndaka, Lavangasika (the clove tree); Erandapalla, 
named after Eranda plant. In some cases the names point out 
the geographical situation, just as Adyapatha, Uttaramandala, 
Daksinapatha, Daksinamsaka-vlthi, Vindhyatavl, Gosata- 
punjaka, Airikina, Samgohalikagrama, Surastra, Kanci, 
Donga-grama, Samatata. 

The place names were named after Tribes just as Pundra- 
vardhana named after the Pundras ; Vahga after Vangas; 
Aryyavarta after the Aryyas; Kakanadabota after the Kakas; 
Mulanagiratta and Nagirattamandala after the Nagas. Some 
place-names seem to have been based on proper names, e.g. 
Midu-vilala-ksetra, Jolarl-ksetra, Mahipala-ksetra, Pakkavilala- 

The second part of the geographical names is a place-name 
suffix which usually denotes the size or the nature of the 
place. The examples are the suffixes pura, palll, rastra, rajya, 
Prades*a, DeSa, Nagara, Varsa, Visaya, bhukti, mapdala, 
nauyoga, patha, ksetra, gohali, puskarinf, vithi, pottaka, 
pataka, padvika. We have found some place-names which 
may be categorised as the abbreviated place-names. Either 


the suffix has been submerged in the name due to the 
prakritisation or it has been dropped. The examples are 
Davaka, Kurala, Avamukta, Nepala, Palakka, VengI, Krmila, 






This iron pillar bearing the inscription of Candra was 
originally erected on a hill called Visnupada near the Beas, 
but was brought to Meharauli (Delhi) and was installed near 
the well-known Kutub Minar. 1 We also know of the transfer 
of the Asokan pillars from Topra and Meerut to Delhi. 2 

Though many scholars 3 have tried to identify Candra of 
this inscription, it remains a baffling problem. The generally 
accepted view is to identify him with Candragupta II. 4 

Goyal 5 has identified Candra with Samudragupta. His 
argument is that the original name of the king was not Candra 
and in his support he quotes Fleet 6 and Allan. His second 
contention is that whereas there is no evidence to prove that 
Candragupta II had any military success in Bengal, we have a 
positive reference in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription to 
Samatata, Davaka and Kamarupa as the bordering (pratyanta) 
states of Samudragupta's empire. Goyal further argues that 
Candragupta II had suzerainty over Daivaputrasahisahanusahis 
who ruled in that region. He also points out that Samudra- 
gupta had advanced victoriously to the south as far as Kanci 
while Candragupta II can at best be credited with matrimonial 
alliances or diplomatic activities alone in the South. Following 
Majumdar, Mookerji and Agrawala he holds that Candrapra- 
kasa, son of Candragupta mentioned by the rhetorician Vamana 
was no other than Samudragupta and thus concludes that 
Candra was another name of Samudragupta. 

We cannot accept Goyal's view since his arguments stand 
on a weak edifice. We shall refute them one by one. 

Fleet 7 was mislead by the reading 'Dhavena' in line 6 
which seems to be 'Bhavena' as suggested by some scholars. 


A perusal of the passage does not leave any doubt about Candra 
being the original name of the king. Allan followed by Goyal 8 
describes it as a 'poetical allusion'. But that does not mean 
that the king had any name other than Candra. The poet 
shows that his name was quite in consonance with his qual- 
ities. 9 It is no doubt a poetic way of referring to his patron's 
name. We have a similar instance in the Mandasor Inscription 
of the Malava Year 524 (A.D. 467). 10 Moreover, the reading in 
line 6 of the inscription is clearly 'Bhavena' and not Dhavena. 11 

We know that only a part of Bengal, i.e. Samatata was 
conquered by Samudragupta; Davaka and Kamarupa being in 
Assam, their subjugation does mean the occupation of the 
whole oftheVangas. Gupta inscriptions are recovered from 
Pundravardhana, Damodarpur and Rajshahi districts of Bengal 
only after the reign of Candragupta II. Moreover, it seems that 
the people of Samatata had revolted and were joined by other 
neighbouring kings 12 and king Candra suppressed the revolt 
with his force; eventually the whole of Vanga may have come 
under his suzerainty. 

These considerations apart, palaeographically also the 
inscription was considered by Fleet to be later than Samudra- 
gupta. Prinsep placed it in the 3rd or 4th Century and Bhau 
Daji in the post-Gupta period. 13 But Sircar assigns the record 
to the 5th century on the basis of the resemblance of the 
marked matras or horizontal top-strokes on the letters with 
those used in the Bilsad Inscription of Kumaragupta I (A.D. 
41 5-1 6). 14 This consideration is very important, but Goyal finds 
it convenient not to consider it since it goes against his theory. 

Moreover, if king Candra of the Meharauli Pillar Inscription 
is to be identified with Samudragupta and if it is a posthumous 
inscription, there could be a mention of the performance of 
ASvamedha sacrifice by him as is evidenced from his coins. 

It is further to be noted that in the Allahabad Pillar 
Inscription there is no reference to the conquests of the Vahli- 
kas by Samudragupta, though the neighbouring tribes of the 
Daivaputras, Sahis and Sahanusahis, Sakas and Murundas are 
mentioned as paying homage to Samudragupta. On the con- 
trary, king Candra is said to have conquered the Va"hlikas in 
a warfare after crossing the seven mouths of the Sindhu. 15 



M.R. Singh 16 and U.N. Roy, 17 however, identify the Vahlika 
in the Panjab and U.N. Roy goes further to identify the Vahli- 
kas with "Daivaputrasahi-sahanusahi" i.e. the Kidara Kusanas. 
But this seems contrary to the statement in the inscription 
that king Chandra had conquered the Vahlikas in warfare, 
after having crossed the seven mouths of the river Indus. 18 

So far as the conquests of king Candra in the South are 
concerned we submit that it is an eulogy (praSasti) which may 
be of the conventional type and may not be entirely historical. 
The conventional claim is repeated by some later kings. 19 In 
Line 5 of the Mandasor Stone Pillar Inscription we find that 
Yasodharman (A.D. 525-35) boasts to have conquered the 
whole country to the west of the PaScima-payodhi and to the 
north of the Mahendra (cf. Mahendracala in the Tirunelveli 
district). 20 We know that Candragupta II wielded a great influ- 
ence in the south. His daughter Prabhavatlgupta was married 
to the Vakataka king Rudrasena II. There is some evidence to 
show that during the regency of Prabhavatlgupta, Gupta officers 
exercised some control over the Vakataka administration. 21 
Further Candragupta II arranged a marriage between his son 
and the daughter of Kakutsthavarman, the most powerful ruler 
of the Kadamba family in the Kanarese country of the Bombay 
Presidency. 22 

GoyaFs assumption that Candra was another name of 
Samudragupta is incorrect. We have criticised it earlier on 
linguistic and palaeographic considerations. Moreover, it looks 
funny that the name of Candragupta I, his son and his grandson 
alike should be the same. Utilising the evidence of Vamana 
that Vasubandhu was the minister of Candraprakasa, the son of 
Candragupta, Goyal quotes Majumdar 23 and takes Candragupta 
to be Candragupta I and regards Candraprakasa as another 
name of Samudragupta. But Majumdar himself strikes a note 
of caution when he says that "It is not altogether impossible 
that Vasubandhu's patron belonged to this 24 or a similar 
local dynasty of Ayodhya". 25 We cannot associate Vasubandhu 
with the Imperial Guptas unless we find any strong evidence 
of a positive nature. 

Thus we see that the arguments raised by Goyal do not 
support his view that Samudragupta is to be identified with 

Candra. In the absence of any other ; 'positive evidence, to the 
contrary, the theory of Gandra's identification with : Candra- 
gupta II holds good. 26 


1. Sircar, Hz. p. 238, note 3. 

2. Ibid., p. 53, note. 1. 

3. Goyal, D. pp. 201-9. 

4. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 168-69; Sircar, Hz. p. 283, note 1. 

5. Goyal, D. pp. 201-9. 

6. (Dx) 1 , p. 142, note 2. 

7. (Dx) 1 , p. 142; also see note 2. 

8. Goyal, D. p. 203. 

9. Sircar, Hz. p. 284 : 

10. Sircar, Hz. p. 406 : Tn 

M^^^^-srrf^ftnjFT: i 

11. I have personally visited Meharaull to check the reading. The 
letter 'bha' of 'Bhumipatina' is identical in form with the letter 'bha' of 
Bhavena . 

; Sircar suggests the reading 'Devena', Devagupta being another name 
of Candragupta II (Hz. p. 285, note 2). But the view is not plausible. 
There was no need of mentioning the king's name again since it is 
mentioned as Candra in the preceding line and 'tena' refers to that. 
Moreover, 'bhavena' here represents, -devotion of the king', the transla- 
tion of the whole phrase being : 'By that king Candra, having a mind full 
of devotion (Bhava=bhakti-bhava) to Lord Visnu, this loftystandard of 
Visnu, was set up on the Visnupada hill'. 

, 12. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 141 : 

3%;ft ( s ) ftrfrrfec 

If we do the sr^ir it will run thus : 

'Whose fame of kneading back with his breast the revolting enemies 
in Variga uniting together, was inscribed by sword on his arm'. It is a 
poetic way of the description of the suppression of revolt. The phrase 

suggests 'the enemies in Vanga had revolted 

and had come to fight against king Candra uniting together with other 
neighbouring kings who might have been afraid by. his increasing power. 
Any such revolt was possible after the death of Samudragupta. g^fzra;: 
MdlmKm suggests that king Candra himself had not gone to fight against 
them "but he kneaded them back by the force of his' breast; the description 
is given here metaphorically : 


i.e., 'on whose arm fame was inscribed by the sword*. It is also a poetic 
way of describing the victory meaning thereby 'who had won the battle 
by the force of sword in his hand'. Or it may even suggest that he had 
won in the battle but his arm was injured which is as if it was a fame 
inscribed on his arm by the sword. It was considered a matter of pride 
for the commanders and kings to have scars of wounds in battle on the 
parts of their bodies. 

13. Sircar, Hz. p. 283, note 2. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 14L 


Fleet seems to have wrongly translated this line as 'he, by whom 
having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river) Sindhu, the 
Vahlikas were conquered'. 

If we do the 3F=nr it will be like this: 

i.e., 'by whom after crossing the seven mouths of the river Indus, the 
Vahlikas were conquered in warefare'. The king had not to fight for 
crossing the seven mouths of the Indus since the inhabitants of this place 
were already conquered by Samudragupta and were ruling in obeisance to 
the Guptas. 

16. M.R. Singh, MX. pp, 126-27. 

17. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 21-22. 

18. See note 15. 

19. Sircar, Hz. p. 284, f.n.l. 

20. Sircar, Hz. p. 419, see also f.n. : 

21. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 112, see also f.n.l. 
. 22. Ibid., p. 170. 

23. Goyal, D. p. 209. 

24. A king named Baladitya has been mentioned in an inscription 
found at Sarnath (Dx) 1 , p. 284. 

25. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 155-56, f.n. 2. 

26. For various theories and identification with Candragupta II, see 
G.R. Sharma, J J. Vol. XXI, No. 4, December 1945, p. 202 ff, 



In this connexion we have four inscriptions at our disposal: 
(i) Nalanda Clay Seal of Narasirfahagupta (No. 47) 
(ii) Bhitari inscribed copper-silver Seal of Kumaragupta III 


(iii) Nalanda baked Clay Seal of Kumaragupta III (No. 50.) 
(iv) Nalanda Clay seal of Budhagupta (No. 53). 

In No. 49, L. 6, Sircar 1 takes the reading Candradevi for 
the mother of Narasirhhagupta. It has been read as 'Srivatsa- 
devi' by Fleet. It has been checked by me and the reading 
taken by Fleet is found to be correct. The same reading is also 
found in No. 50, L.6. 2 

In No. 47, L.7, Candradavl is found to be the name of 
Narasimhagupta's mother. Hirananda Shastri reads the name 
as 'SrivainyadevI' but he amends the reading as 'Candradevi'. 3 
Sircar also accepts 'Candradevi' as the correct reading. 4 

In No. 53 Candradevt is mentioned as the mother of Budha- 
gupta. 5 But Sircar takes the reading 'Sri MahadevI' though 
himself considers it to be doubtful. 6 

Now we find that the inscriptions No. 49 and 50 mention 
'SrivatsadevI' as the mother of Narasimhagupta while in No. 47 
Candradevi is clearly the name of Narasimhagupta's mother. In 
No, 53 'Candradevi' is also mentioned as the name of Budha- 
gupta' s mother. 

These different readings have created a confusion about the 
names of Budhagupta's and Narasimhagupta's mothers. In the 
genealogical table Mookerji mentions 'Candradevi' as the 
mother of both Budhagupta and Narasimhagupta. 7 Sircar 
writes, "We cannot be sure about the name of Budhagupta's 
mother ; but she seems to be different from Candradevi, mother 


of Narasirhhagupta". 8 But the objection of Sircar is not valid, 
as in the inscriptions No. 49 and 50 Srivatsadevl and not 
Candradevl is mentioned as the mother of Narasimhagupta. 

The real difficulty is created by inscriptions No. 47 and 53 
when they mention Candradevl as the mother of both Budha- 
gupta and Narasimhagupta. 


1. Sircar, Hz. p. 330; also see f.n. 3. 

2. XJ. No. 66, p. 66, see the plates attached in the last portion of 
the Journal; Plates VIII (c) and (d). 

3. Ibid., p. 65. 

4. JJ. XIX, p. 273; Hz. p. 339, f.n. 3. 

5. XJ. No. 66, p. 65; The reading has been checked by me in Plates 
VIII (B) and VIII (C) affixed at the last portion of the Journal. 

6. JJ. XIX, p. 273; Hz. p. 339. 

7. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 104-105. 

8. JJ. XIX, p. 274. 



: ; .' ' - - 



This expression occurs in L. 19 of the Allahabad Pillar 
Inscription of Samudragupta. The compound expression has 
been analysed in different ways by various scholars. 

Fleet splits it up as : 

Paistapuraka-Mahendragiri-Kautturaka-Svamidatta 1 and 
translates it as Mahendra of Pistapura, Svamidatta of Kottura 
on the hill. 2 

The first inclination of Fleet 3 is to analyse the expression 
thus: 'Paistapuraka-Mahendragiri-Kautturaka-Svamidatta' and 
to translate it as 'Mahendragiri of Pistapura, and Svamidatta 
of Kottura', but he does not stick to it finding difficulty in 
accepting giri or glr as suitable termination for a king's name, 
thinking it only to be used as a religious title. 4 

G. Ramdas 5 takes the whole phrase to be one and translates 
it as 'Svamidatta, who had his seat at Pistapura and at 
Kottura near Mahendragiri'. This means that Svamidatta was 
the king of both the places. Ramdas supports it by the fact 
that in inscriptions we often find the king of Pistapura to have 
been the king of Kalinga also in which Kottura is situated. 
He also does not accept the name Mahendragiri as of a king, it 
being unsupported by history or inscriptions. Bhau Daji 6 
gives another rendering 'Svamidatta of Pistapura, Mahendra- 
giri, and Kottura'. But the suggestions of Bhau Daji and 
G. Ramdas are untenable, because in that case the reading in the 
text, would have been 'Mahendragirika' in place of Mahendra- 

As regards the objection that the termination giri or glr is 
used only for Gosavls and not for kings, even in ancient India 
we find people bearing such names as Himadri, Hemadri and 



Sesadri 7 as well as the name Simhagiri, 8 all based on terms 
signifying mountain. 

As rightly pointed out by Bhandarkar, 9 in dividing the text, 
the following two considerations are to be kept in view : 
(i) None of the king's name is coupled with more than one 


(ii) The name of every locality is marked with vrddhi at the 
beginning and with, the suffix 'ka' at the end. 
Thus the only correct division of the text can be : 
PaistapurakaMahendragiri Kautturaka Svamidatta'. 10 i. e. 
Mahendragiri of Pistapura and Svamidatta of Kottura. 


1. Fleet , (Dx) 1 , p. 7. 

2. Ibid., p. 13. 

3. Ibid., p. 7, f.n. 2. 

4. Ibid. 

5. JJ. I., p. 680. 

6. QJ. vol. IX, p. CXCVIII. 

7. IJ. vol. II, pp. 761-62. 

8. GJ. vol. II, p.105, No. 77; and p. 371, No. 134. 

9. D.R. Bhandarkar, "Mahendragiri, ruler of Pistapura", IJ. Vol. II, 
pp. 761-62. 

10. Ibid, see Bhandarkar's remarks : 

"The vrddhi in Kautturaka clearly shows that the word giri preceding 
it is to be connected with Mahendra. Again, if giri had really formed 
part of the name of the country whose ruler Svamidatta was, we shall 
have had Gairikotturaka instead of giri-kautturka. Secondly, it is not 
necessary to take giri here as a denominational suffix similar to that of 
gin or glr of Gosavls, as Fleet has done. It is best to understand the whole 
of Mahendragiri as one name and as the proper name of the ruler of Pista- 
pura. If the names of the sacred rivers have been adopted as individual 
names among Hindu females, the names of the sacred mountains have 
similarly been adopted among Hindu males"; 

Cf. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. vol. 1, part II, pp. 35-36; who also very strongly 
supports Bhandarkar. 




Scholars do not agree in their views about the explanation 
of the expression 'Daivaputrasahisahanusahi' mentioned in line 
23 of Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. Daivapu- 
tras along with Sahis, ahanusahis, Sakas, and Murundas, and 
the people of Sirhhala and all (other) islands are said to have 
acknowledged the suzerainty of Samudragupta by rendering to 
him all kind of service (seva) such as coming to the emperor 
personally (atmanivedana) gifts of maidens (Kanyopayana), 
presents (dana) and application (yacana) for charters bearing 
the Imperial Gupta Garuda seal (Garutmadanka) by which 
they would not be disturbed in the enjoyment (bhukti) and 
administration (sasana) of their respective territories (svavisaya). 1 

Fleet, V.A. Smith and Allan split 'daivaputra-sahi-sahanu- 
sahi' into three different titles denoting three different princes, 2 
who might have been rulers of three smaller states into which 
the Kusana empire was divided, each one of them appropriat- 
ing one of the titles for himself. 3 But Majumdar, 4 Bhandarkar, 5 
Sircar 6 and Raychaudhuri 7 take 'Daivaputra-sahi-sahanusahi' 
to indicate one Kusana ruler. 

Goyal 8 raises the objection that there was no Kusana ruler 
so powerful in the third quarter of the fourth century A. D., to 
whom could be attributed such a great title as 'daivaputrasahi- 
sahanusahi'. He divides the whole expression into two parts 
*daivaputrasahi' and 'sahanusahi' to denote two powers. 
According to him, the former is to be identified with the 
Kidara Kusana king and the latter with Shahpur II, the Sas- 
sanian Sahan&ih. His contention is that the word Devaputra 
has not been used as a title, its taddhita form shows that it is 
an adjective to the next word sShi. 



Buddha Prakash 9 gives new suggestion that the whole ex- 
pression *daivaputrasahisahanusahi' denotes a Persian king. 
His assertion is that the Kusanas had lost their importance and 
independence by that time by allying themselves with the 
Persians; this is clear from Kalidasa, who in referring to the 
North-Western conquests of Raghu, does not mention the 
Sakas but refers only to the Persians. 10 Moreover, in the Kusana 
records Sahanusahi has never been used as the imperial title of 
the Kusanas and has been a title exclusively employed by the 
Sassanian sovereigns. He thus takes 'devaputra' to stand for the 
Kusana king of the Indus valley and Kasmeremandala and 
Sahanusahi for the Sassanian emperor Shahpur II (A.D. 309-379) 
and concludes that, the mention of 'devaputrasahanusahi' to- 
gether suggests an alliance of the Kusanas with the Sassanians, 
cemented by the marriage between the Kusana princes and 
Hormizd II (A.D. 302-309 ). n 

The contention of Dr. Buddha Prakash is unacceptable. He 
neglects the word 'Sahi' occurring between Daivaputra and 
Sahanusahi. Moreover, he takes into his account the word 
'Devaputra' but does not consider the form of Daivaputra. 12 It 
may be noted that the word 'Shahi' has been indiscriminately 
used by the Kusanas, the Hunas and by the kings of Kabul, 
Turks as well as Hindu kings of the brahmana clan. 13 

The suggestion of Goyal may likewise be dismissed. In 
interpreting the expression we have to keep in our view the 
following considerations : 

(i) It is to be noted that -Daivaputra' in itself is an independ- 
ent word and its taddhita form denotes those 'who belong 
to Devaputra', i.e. Kaniska 14 (The Kusanas used Devaputra 
as their title). 

(ii) Sahi stands for the Persians or a sub-branch of the Kusa- 
nas; 15 and 
(iii) Sahanusahi for the Sassanians. 

Moreover, the context does not suggest any particular referen- 
ce to any king by name. Here we have an enumeration of tribes, 
viz., the Daivaputras, the Sahis, the Sahanusahis, the Sakas 
and the Murundas. 16 

From the Jain legend Kalakdcaryakathdnaka we know : 
"The Saka king who lived on the other side of the Indus used 


tfie ti|le Sahanusahi, while &is feudatories ; were\ simply styled 
ahis" 17 Chattopadhyaya states that the. Saka& never used the; 
title of Sahanusahi which was : mainly a Rusana title* Whatever; 
may be the truth, but it supports our assertion - $hat the Sahis 
and the Sahanusahis .were two separate entities and not one. 
From tfte study of Kushano-Sassanian Coins, we know that these 
a^e the money of the Sassanid prince-governors of Bactria, who 
bore the title Kusanshah. 18 It is possible that these Sassanians 
who had submitted to Samudragupta; might have reared their 
head after his death and were later subjugated again :by Cand- 
ragupta II, if we believe the evidence of the Meharaiill Iron 
Pillar Inscription of Candra is relegated to. Candragupta II. 


{' " 

1. No. 1, LL. 23-24; t^d N I f^Nl ^1 4^ I f^-9T^ ^"5: %^r^rf?fe 

2. Pandey, Wx. p. 75, f.n. 4; Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 14. 

3. Majumdar, Pg. p. 147. 

4. Ibid. 

- 5. JJ. I. , p. 259 : 'It is forgotten, that the initial word is not 'Deva- 
putra, but Daivaputra' a taddhita form, which shows that the term cannot 
stand by itself and must be taken along with what follows. The whole 
expression corresponds with the full royal insignia 'Daivaputra-maharaja- 
rajatiraja' of the later great Kuanas. 

6. Sircar, Hz. p. 266, f.n.l. 

7. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 460 

8. Goyal, D. 176-77. 

. 9. IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85, 'The political Geography of India on the eve 
of Gupta Ascendency', pp. 85-90. 

10. Raghuvamsa,IV 60. 

11. Buddha Prakash, IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85. 

12. P.L. Gupta, Sx. pp. 267-69; D.B. Pandey, Ng. pp. 46-49 and 52. 

13. D.B. Pandey, Ng. pp. 46-48. 

14. Jz. p. 60, Panini, 4/1/85 

15. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (ed. 1972), p. 408; D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 

16. No. 1, LL. 23-24 

17. Sudhakar, Chattopadhyaya, Hx. 70. 

18. Mg. p. 81 


The names of the rivers, mentioned in the Junagarh Inscrip- 
tion of Skandagupta, as issuing from the mountain Raivataka 1 
or Urjayat 2 have been disputed. Fleet explains 'Pala&nlyam 
Sikatavilasinl' as 'Palasinl, beautiful with (its) sandy stretches'. 3 
D.C. Sircar takes Sikata to be Suvarnasikata which is the same 
as modern Sonarekha. 4 R.B. Pandey regards Sikata to be the 
same Suvarnasikata mentioned in the Junagarh Inscription of 
Rudradaman and as identical with Suvarnarekha which flows 
at the foot of Girnar hill. 5 H.D. Sankalia while discussing the 
names of mountains Girinagara, Urjayat and Raivataka, and 
the rivers at Junagarh does not consider these disputed lines of 
the Junagarh Inscription of Skandagupta. He only discusses 
Suvarnasikata and Palasim on the basis of the Junagarh In- 
scription of Rudradaman I. 6 

Those who disagree with Fleet's interpretation that 'Sikata- 
vilasim' is an adjective of Palasinl and take Sikata to refer to 
Suvarnasikata, neglect the word Vilasini. Evidently VilasinI is 
the name of a third river. The construction is also in plural. The 
composer of the inscription is naming all the rivers of the area 
which had gone to meet their husband, the ocean,, in due accord- 
ance with the scriptures. 7 The Gujarati Sanskrit poet Magha r 
in describing the Raivataka mountain gives a similar account 
of these rivers in the rainy season. 8 

In the accompanying map besides the two rivers Ojat and 
Uben on the sides of Junagarh, we find the river Fuljar and a 
number of streams, viz., Nonpuria, Sonrakhi, Lotus and Fuljar. 
Sonrakhi is evidently Suvarnarekha, Fuljar may be the river 
Palasinl and the Lotus may be equated with Vilasini. The 
river Ojat has some resemblance with the mountain Urjayat. 

The rivers due to the flood caused by excessive rains had 





combined into one; with the flowers fallen from trees growing 
on the banks of these rivers, it looked as if a hand decorated 
with flowers was stretched by the mountain Raivataka desirous 
of appropriating the wives of the mighty ocean, having noticed 
the great bewilderment of the Sea caused by the excess of rain. 9 
Fleet's rendering of the passage 10 does not seem to be appro- 
priate. The line 'aneka-tlrantaja-puspa-sobhito nadlmayo hasta 
iva prasaritah' shows that here is a reference to a group of many 
rivers and not to one river alone. 


1. Sircar, Hz. p. 313. 
L. 16 

2. Ibid., p. 176. 

LL. 5-6 : 

3. (Dx) 1 , p. 64. 

4. Sircar, Hz. p. 313, f.n.l. 

5. Pandey, Wx. p. 97, f.n.l. 

6. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 50-51. 

7. Sircar, Hz. 

L. 16 : ^qr?^r ^rr 

8. Sisupalavadha, W. 47. 

9. Sircar, Hz. p. 313. 

v. 29 : 

T^MMfitTl ^M Mtllivn. II 

10. (Dx) 1 , p. 64. "(and) having noticed the great bewilderment caused 
by the excess of rain, (the mountain) Urjayat, desirous of appropriating 
the wives of the mighty ocean, stretched forth as it were a hand, consis- 
ting of the river (PalasinI), decorated with the numerous flowers that 
grew on the edges of (its) banks." 


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Delhi, 1973. 
Pandey, M.S. : The Historical Geography and Topography of 

Bihar, Varanasi, 1963. 
Pandey, R.R. : Siddhanta-Kaumudi-Artha-Prakasikd, Delhi, 



Pargiter, F.E. : Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Oxford, 

: Purdna Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, 

Varanasi, 1962. 
: "Geography of Rama's Exile' Journal of the Royal 

Asiatic Society,\894, pp. 23 Iff. 
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Society, 1918. 

Pathak, V. : History of Kosala, Varanasi, 1963. 
Pathak, V.S. : History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from 

Inscriptions), Varanasi, 1960. 

: Ancient Historians of India, Delhi, 1966. 

Patil, D.R. : Antiquarian Remains in Bihar, Patna, 1963. 
: Cultural History from the Vayu-Purdna, Poona, 1946, 

Reprint, Delhi, 1973. 
Philips, C.H. (ed.) : Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, 

Oxford Univesity Press, 1967. 
Phillimore, R.H. : Historical Records of the Survey of India, 

Vol. I, Eighteenth Century, Dehradun, 1945. 
Piggott, S. : Some Ancient Cities of India, Bombay, Oxford 

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Pillai, Setti : Annals of Oriental Research, University of 

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Pillai, V.K. : The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, Madras, 

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: Cities of Ancient India, Meerut, 1966. 


Puri, B.N. : India in the time of Patanjali, Bombay, 1968. 

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Indian History, XX, 320ff. 
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Bhavan, Bombay. 
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Puranam, Vol. I, No. 2, Feb. 1960, pp. 202-05. 
Rai, Ram Kumar : Rdjatarangini-kosa, Varanasi, 1967. 
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Madras, 1959. 
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Quarterly, Vol. I, pp. 679-87. 
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Rangachari, K. : "Town-planning and House-building in 
Ancient India", Indian Historical Quarterly, 1927, Part. 

Rangacharya, V. : "Historical Geography of Mylapore, San 
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Association, 1928, 3(2). 

Rao, C.A.K. : "Town Planning in Ancient and Medieval India" 

Journal of Madras Geographical Association, 1933, 8 (3). 

Rapson, E.J. : The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I., Delhi, 


: Indian Coins, Delhi, 1970. 
Rath, A.K. : "Did the Guptas rule over Orissa ?" Indian 

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Ray, Amita : Villages, Towns and Secular Buildings in Ancient 

India, Calcutta, 1964. 

Raychaudhuri, H.C. : Studies in Ancient Antiquities, Reprint, 
Calcutta, 1958. 

Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1938. 
"The Saraswati" Science and Culture, 1943, 8(12). 
"The Study of Ancient Indian Geography" Indian Histo- 
rical Quarterly, Vol. IV. 

Raychaudhuri, S.P. and N. Sen : "Certain Geomorphological 
Aspects of Rajputana Desert" N.I.S. Bulletin, 1952 (1). 


Raza, Moonis : "Urbanization in Pre-historic India" The 

Geographer, 1951,4(1). 

Raza, Moonis and A.Ahmad : " Historical Geography : A Trend 
Report" in A Survery of Research in Geography, Bombay, 
1972, pp. 147-69. 

Renou, L. : The Civilization of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1959. 
Rhys David, T. W. : "The Middle Country of Ancient India" 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904. 
Rice, B.L. : Mysore and Coorg, London, 1909. 
Richards, F.J. : "Geographical Factors in Indian Archaeology." 

Indian Antiquary, 62, 1933. 

Robinson, William : A Descriptive Account of Asam, first publi- 
shed 1841, Reprinted Delhi, 1975. 
Rose, H. A. : A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab 

and North-West Frontier Province, Lahore, 1914. 
Roy, U.N. : Prdcina Bhdrata Mein Nagara Tathd Nagara- 
Jivana, Allahabad, 1965. 

: Studies in Ancient Indian History and Culture, Allahabad, 


: "The City of Prayaga in Legend and History" The 

Journal of the Allahabad Historical Society, July 1962. 

: Pataliputra in Ancient India" University of Allahabad 

Society, 1957. 

: "KingBhojaon City Architecture" Journal of Allahabad 

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Sachau, B.C. : AlberunVs India, London, 1914. 
Saletore, R.N. : Life in the Gupta Age, Bombay, 1943. 
Sandesara : Journal of Gujarat Research Society, V, (1943): 


Sankalia, H.D. : The Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941. 
: Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and 
Ethnography of Gujarat, Poona, 1949. 

: Prehistory and Proto-history in India and Pakistan, 

Bombay, 1962. 

: "Historical Geography from Inscriptions" in M.MChit- 

raoshastri Felicitation Volume, Poona, 1967, pp. 251-88. 

: "Origin of the Gurjaras" Journal of the Gujarat 

Research Society, Bombay, 1946, pp. 82-87. 
: "Lata, its Historical and Cultural Significance" Journal 


of the Gujarat Research Society, Bombay, XXII, 325ff. 

Sankalia, H.D. : "Excavations at Maheshwar" Proceedings of 
all India Oriental Conference, 17th Session pp. 330 ff. 

Sankalia. H.D. and others: Excavations at Maheshwar and 
Navdatoli, 1952-53, Baroda, 1958. 

Sarkar, K.K. : "Some Sanskrit Place-names in Ancient Cam- 
bodia" Vishveshwaranand Indological Journal III, 1965, 

Sarkar, S.S. : Aboriginal Races of India, Calcutta, 1954. 

: Ancient Races of Baluchistan, Punjab and Sind, Calcutta, 

Sastri, A.K. : Brahmdnda Pur ana, Madras, 1888. 

Sastri, K.A.N. : Age of the Nandas and the Mauryas, Delhi, 

Sastri, K.K. Dutt : "A note on the Obscure reference in the 
Rajataranginl" Vishveshwaranand Indological Journal, 
III, 1965, pp. 239-48. 

Satya Prakash and Rajendra Singh : Coinage in Ancient India, 
Delhi, 1968. 

Satyanarayana, K. : A Study of the History and Culture of the 
Andhras, Delhi, 1975. 

Sen, A. C. (ed.) : Buddhist Remains in India, Delhi, 1956. 

Sen, D.K. : "Ancient Races of India and Pakistan" Ancient 
India, 20-21, pp. 178-205. 

Sen, P.C. : "Some Janapadas of Ancient India" Indian Histori- 
cal Quarterly, Vol. VIII. 

: "Pundravardhana : Its Site" Indian Historical Quar- 
terly, Vol, IX. 

Shafer, Robert : Ethnography of Ancient India, Germany, 1954. 

Shah, K.T. : Ancient Foundations of Economics in India, 
Bombay, 1964. 

Sharan, M.K. : Tribal Coins : A Study, Delhi, ,1972. 

Sharma, Dasharath : Early Chauhan Dynasties, Delhi, 1959. 

Sharma, G.R. : Excavations at Kausambi, 1957-59, Allahabad, 

Sharma, J.P. : Republics in Ancient India, Leiden, 1968. 

Sharma, T.R. : "The Riversof Junagadh" Summaries of Papers, 
All India Oriental Conference, XXIV Session, 1968, p. 
307 ff. 


Shastri, A.M. : India as seen in the Brhat-Samhitd of 

Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969. 

Sherring, M.A. : Hindu Tribes and Caste s,Vo\. Ill, Delhi, 1974. 
Sherwill, W.S. : "The Rajmahal Hills" Journal of the Asiatic 

Society of Bengal, Vol. XX. 
Siddiqi, S.I. : "Physiographic History of the Ghaggar Plain" 

Calcutta Geographical Review, 1944, 6 (4). 
: "River Changes in the Ghaggar Plain" Indian Geog- 
raphical Journal, 1944, 20 (4). 
Singh, Faujaand L.M. Joshi, (ed.) : History of the Punjab, 

Vol. I, Patiala, 1976. 
Singh, K.N. : "Evolution of Early Medieval Political Cultural 

Regions and Urban Foci in Eastern U.P. A Study in 

Historical Geography", Geographical Outlook, 1965, 4. 
Singh, M.M. : Life in North-Eastern India in Pre-Mauryan 

Times, Delhi, 1967. 
Singh, M.R. : Geographical Data in the Early Puranas, 

Calcutta, 1972. 
Singh, R.L. : "Evolution of Settlements in the Middle Ganga 

Valley", National Geographical Journal of India, 1955, 

Singh, Yogendra : Modernization of Indian Tradition, Delhi, 

Sinha, B P. : The Decline of the Kingdom of Magadha, Patna, 

Sircar, D.C. : The Successors of the Satavdhanas in Lower 

Deccan, Calcutta, 1939. 

: Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India t 

Delhi, 1960, 2nd edn. 1971. 

: Iranians and Greeks in Ancient Panjab, Patiala, 1973. 

"The Sakta-Plthas" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 

of Bengal, Vol. XIV, No. I, Dec. 1958, pp. 1-108. 

: "Capital of the Brhatphalayana's, Journal of the Andhra 

Historical Research Society, VII, 170. 
Sircar, D.C. (ed.) : Early Indian Indigenous Coins, Calcutta, 


: Studies in Indian Coins, Delhi, 1968. 

: "Orissa and Uddiyana" Journal of the Oriental Institute, 

Baroda, XIII, pp. 329 ff. 


Sircar, D.C.: "Account of Fifty-six Countries" Indian Culture, 

Vol. 8, 1941, pp. 32ff. 
: "Extent of Pragjyotisha" Journal of Indian History, 

XLI, 31. 
: "Text of thePuranic List of Rivers" Indian Historical 

Quarterly, Vol. XXVII. 
: "Kamboja" Puranam, VI, pp. 215-20. 
: "Vakatakas and Dasarna Country" Indian Historical 

Quarterly, Vol. XXI, 61. 
: Cosmography and Geography in Early Indian Literature, 

Calcutta, 1967. 
Sivaramamurthy, C. : "Geography of Kalidasa" Journal of 

Madras Geographical Association, 1932, 7 (1). 
Smith, V.A. : "Vaisali" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 


: The Early History of India, Oxford, 1924. 

Sompura, F. Kantilal : "Buddhist monuments and sculptures 

in Gujarat A Historical Survey" Vishveshwaranand 

Indological Journal, Vol. IV, 1966, pp. 230-63. 
Soundara Rajan, K.V. : "The Devi Cult Nucleus at Jagat, 

Rajasthan" Vishveshwaranand Indological Journal Vol. 1, 

1963, pp. 130-40. 
Stein, A. : KalhancCs Rajatarahgim Vol. I, II, London, 1900, 

Varanasi, 1961. 
: "Studies on Kashmir Geography " Indian A n tiquary Vol. 

: "Yavanas in Early Indian Inscriptions" Indian Culture, 

Vol. I, No. 3. 
: "Afghanistan in Avestic Geography "Indian A ntiquary, 

Vol. XV. 
: "Notes on Archaeological Explorations in Waziristan, 

and Northern Baluchistan" Indian Antiquary, 1929, 

pp. 54ff. 
Stein, M.A. : "Some River names in the Rgveda" Journal of 

the Royal Asiatic Society, 1917. 
: Notes on the Ancient Topography of the Pir Pantsal 

Route, 1895. 
Subbarao, B. : The Personality of India, 2nd edn., Baroda, 



Sundara, A. : The Early Chamber Tombs of South India, 

Delhi, 1975. 
Suraj Bhan : "Srughna or Sugh : An old Capital of Ancient 

Punjab" Visveshwaranand Indological Journal, Vol. V, 

Pt. I, March 1967, pp. 84-89. 
: "The 'Late' Phase of Harappa Civilization" Vishve- 

shwaranand Indological Journal, Vol. II, 1964, pp. 

Suryavamshi, B. : Abhiras, their History and Culture, Baroda, 

Tamaskar, B.G. : "Geograhpical knowledge in the Upanishads" 

National Geographical Journal of India, 1956, 2 (2). 
: "Geographical Data in the Jataka Tales" Quarterly 

Review of Historical Society, 167-68, 12 (2). 
: "Human Settlements and Dwellings as Depicted in the 

iva-Purana" International Geographical Union : Abs- 
tracts of Papers, 1968. 

Tara, W.W. : Greeks In Bactria and India, Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press, 1951. 

Thakur, Umakanta : "The Holy Places of West India as men- 
tioned in theSkanda-Purana"Pw/-00ra, Vol. XVIII, No. 

2, July, 1976, pp. 162-96. 

Thakur, Upendra : History of Mithila, Darbhanga, 1956. 
: 'The Birth-place of Yajnavalkya, Vishveshwaranand 

Indological Journal, III, 1965, pp. 273-77. 

: The Hunas In India, Varanasi, 1967. 

Thomas, P.J. : "Roman Trade Centres in Malabar Coast" 

Journal of 'the Madras Geographical Association, 1962, 

Tod, James : Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vols. land 

II, Reprint, Delhi, 1971. 
Tozer, H.F. : A History of Ancient Geography, Cambridge, 

Tripathi, M.P. : Development of Geographic Knowledge in 

Ancient India, Varanasi, 1969. 

Tripathi, R.S. : History of Ancient India, Varanasi, 1960. 
Tripathi, Vibha : The Painted Grey Ware, Delhi, 1976. 
Trivedi, H.V. : ''Studies In Ancient Geography" Indian His- 
torical Quarterly, Vol. X, 1934. 


Trivedi, H.V. : "The Geography of Kautelya" Indian Culture, 

Vol. I., No. 2. 
: "The Study of Ancient Geography" Indian Historical 

Quarterly, Vol. IV. 

: "Studies in Acient Geography" (Topographical Con- 
tents of Agni Puram)> Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. 
IX, 1933. 

Upadhyaya, Bhagavata Sarana : India in Kdlidasa, Allahabad, 

Upadhyaya, Bharata Singh : Buddhakalina Bharatiya Bhugola, 
Prayaga, V.S. 2018 (1961). 

Varma, Siddheshwar : "Social Phraseology in North- West 
Himalayan Indo-Aryan Languages" Vishveshwaranand 
Indological Journal Vol. Ill, 1965, pp. 1-4. 

: "Sociological Trends as reflected inNorth-West Hima- 
layan Indo-Aryan Languages" Vishveshweranand 
Indological Journal, Vol. Ill, 1965, pp. 159-62. 

Vasu, S.C. : The Siddhanta-Kaumudiof Bhattoji Dikshita, Vara- 
nasi, 1962. 

Venkataramanayya, N. : "Ramagiri of Kalidasa" Journal of 
Indian History, XLI, 69. 

Venkatasubbiah, A. : "Agni Angiras" Vishveshwaranand Indo- 
logical Journal, Vol. Ill, 1965, pp. 5-12. 

Vidyabhushana, S.C. : The Licchavi Race of Ancient India, 

Vidyalankara, J.C. : "Mount Visnupada" Journal of Bihar and 
Orissa Research Society, XX, 97-100. 

: Bharata Bhumi Aura Usake Nivasi, Allahabad, 1930. 

Vidyarthi, L.P. and B.K. Rai : The Tribal Culture of India, 
Delhi, 1977. 

Vidyarthi, L.P. : Rise of Anthropology In India, 2 Volumes, 
Delhi, 1978. 

Viney Kumar : "Identification of Gauda in the Gaudavaho" 
Vishveshwaranand Indological Journal, Vol. XIV, Pt. I, 
March, 1976, pp. 76-79, 

Viraraghavacharya, T.K.T. : History ofTirupati, 2 Vols., 1953, 

Virji, K.J. ; Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay, 1952. 

Vishva Bandhu : "Indological Studies in India A Retrospect 


and Prospect" Vishveshwaranand Indological Journal, 
Vol. VI. 1968, pp. 1-24. 

Viyogi, M.L.M. : Jataka Kalina Bharatiya Samskrti, Patna, 1958. 

Vogel, J. : "Two notes on the Ancient Geography of India'* 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1929. 

Waddell, L.A. : Report on the Excavations at Pataliputra (Patna) 
first published 1903, Reprint, Delhi, 1975. 

Wainright, F.T. : Archaeology and Place-names and History, 
London, 1962. 

Warren, W.F. : "Where was Sakadwlpa in the Mythical World- 
View of India?" Journal of American Oriental Society y 
Vol. XI, 1920. 

Watters, T. : On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Delhi, 1961. 

Wheeler, M. : The Indus Civilization, Cambridge, 1953. 

: Early India and Pakistan, London, 1958. 

Whitehead, R.B. : "The River Course of the Punjab and Sind" 
Indian Antiquary, 1932. 

Wilford, F. : "On the Ancient Geography of India" Asiatic 
Researches, 1822, 14. 

: "A Comparative Essay on the Ancient Geography of 

India" Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol, 

Wilson, H.H. : Visnu Purana, Translation, London, 1864-70. 

Wood Earnest and Subrahmanyam : Garuda Purana, Transla- 
tion, Panini Office, Allahabad. 

Yazdani, G. : The Early History of Deccan, London, 1960. 

Yule, H. : "Geography of Ibn Battuta's Travels of India" 
Indian Antiquary, 1874. 

Yun-Hua, Jan : * 'Korean Record on Varanasi," Vishveshwara- 
nand Indological Journal, Vol. IV, 1966, pp. 264-72. 

Zeuner, F. : Stone Age and Pleistocene Chronology in Gujarat, 
Poona, 1950. 

A Survey of Research In Geography, (A Project sponsored by 
the Indian Council of Social Science Research), 
Bombay, 1972. 

Besides the above-mentioned works, Grierson's Volumes on 
the Linguistic Survey of India, Archaeological Survey, 
Annual Reports and the District Gazetteers contain useful 


material for the study of the Ancient Geography of India. 

C. Works on Epigraphy 

Boyer, A.M., E.J. Rapson and E. Senart : Kharosthi Inscrip- 
tions, Part I, 1920, Part II, 1927. 

Dani, A.H. : Indian Palaeography, Oxford, 1963. 

Diskalkar, D.B. : Inscriptions of Kathiawad, Bombay. 

: Selections from Sanskrit Inscriptions, Vol. I, Part II, 

Fleet, John Faithful : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. 
Ill, Varanasi, 1963. 

Hultzsch, E. : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Ins- 
Inscription of Asoka, Madras, 1925. 

Konow, Sten : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, 

Kharosthi Inscriptions, Calcutta, 1929. 
Mirashi, V.V. : Inscriptions of the Kalachuri Chedi Era, 

Ootacamund, 1955. 
Pandey, R.B. : Historical and Literary Inscriptions, Varanasi, 

Rapson, E.J. and P.S. Noble : #/z<m>5//?f Inscriptions, Part III, 

London, 1929. 
Sen, B.C. : Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of 

Bengal, Calcutta, 1942. 
Sircar, D.C. : Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1965. 

: Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Varanasi, 1966. 

: Indian Epigraphy, Varanasi, 1965. 

: Inscriptions of Asoka, Delhi, 1967. 

Upadhyaya, Vasudeva : Pracina Bharatiya Abhilekhon Ka 

Adhyayana, Varanasi, 1961. 
Upasaka, C.S. : The History and Palaeography of Mauryan 

Brahml Script, Patna, 1960. 

D. Lexicons 

Abhidhdnacintdmani of Hemacandracarya : Bhavnagar ; Veer 

Era, 2441. 

Amarakosa : Haragovinda Shastri (ed.), Banaras, 1968. 
Concise Oxford Dictionary : H.W. Fowler and F.G. Fowler 

London, 1959. 
Concise Etymological Sanskrit Dictionary : Manfred Mayrhofer ; 


Heidelberg, 1953. 
Dictionary of Pali Proper Narms : G.P. Malalasekera, 2 Vols., 

London, 1960. 
Dravidian Etymological Dictionary : T. Burrow and Emeneau, 

Oxford, 1961. 
Haldyudhakosa : Jayasankara Joshi (ed.), Publication Bureau, 

U.P., Lucknow. 
Pdia-Sadda-Mahannavo : V.S Agrawala (ed.), and Malavanie, 

Varanasi, 1963. 

Sadbakalpadruma : Varada Prasad Vasu (ed.), Varanasi, 1961. 
Sanskrit-English Dictionary : V.S. Apte, Poona, 1967. 

: Monier Williams, Varanasi, 1963. 

Trikdndasesa of Purusottamadeva, Bombay, 1916. 
Vdcaspatyam : Taranatha Bhattacharya (ed.), Varanasi, 1962. 
VaidikaPaddnukramaKosa (Sarhhitas and Brahmanas) : 

Vishva Bandhu Shastri, Lahore, 1942 ; Hoshiarpur, 

1962 etc. 
Vaijayantl of Yddavaprakdsa : Gustav Oppert (ed.), Madras, 

Vergleichendes Worterbuch Der Indogermanischen Sprachen 

(II Bands) : Alois Walde, Berlin, 1927. 

. Sanskrit Texts and Translations 

Abhijndna-Sdkuntalam of Kdliddsa : M.R. Kale, 9th Edition, 

Bombay, 1961. 

Angavijjd : Muni Punyavijaya; Varanasi, 1957. 
Arthasdstra ofKautilya : R. Shama Sastri ; (Trans.), Mysore, 

(Kautiliyam-Arthasdstram : Ramateja Shastri Pandey; Kashi, 

Arya-manjusri-mulakalpa : T. Ganapati Shastri (ed.), Trivan- 

drum, 1920. 
Astddhydyi-Bhdsyd-Prathamdvrtti : Brahmadatta Jijnasu ; 

Amritsar, 1964. 
Astddhydyi Prakdsikd : Dev Prakash Patanjala; Delhi, Sarhvat, 

JBrhat-Samhitd of Vardhamihira : Acyutanand Jha (ed.), 

Varanasi, 1959. 
Uitopadesa : Kashinath Panduranga Parab, (ed.), Bombay, 


Saka Sarhvat, 1814. 

Kdmasutra of Vatsydyana : Pramoda Bihiri, Mathura. 
Kathd-Sarit-Sdgara : C.H. Tawney (ed.), Calcutta, 1880. 
Kdsika-Vrtti on PdninVs Astddhydyi : A. S. Phadake (ed.), 

Banaras, 1931. 
Kdvya-Mlmdmsd of Rdjasekhara : Ganga Sagar Rai (ed.),. 

Varanasi, 1964. 

Kumdrasambhava of Kali das a : S.R. Sehgal (ed.), Delhi, 1959. 
Mahdbhdrata : Critical Edition, Bhandarkar Oriental Research 

Institute, Poona. 
Mahdbhdrata : Ram Chander Shastri (ed.), Poona, 1929-33. 

: Gita Press, Gorakhpur. 
Mdlavikdgnimitram : Ram Chandra Mishra (ed.), Banaras, 


Manu-Smrti : Haragovinda Shastri (ed.), Varanasi, 1970. 
: Rajaram (ed.), Lahore, 1912. 
: Ganga Natha Jha (ed.), 3 Parts; Calcutta 1924, 1929 

and 1929. 
: (The Ordinances of Manu), Burnell's Translation; 

Delhi, Reprint, 1971. 
Mdnava Grhyasutra : Ram Krishna Harshaji Shastri (ed.), 

Baroda, 1926. 
Meghaduta of Kdliddsa : M.R. Kale fed.), Bombay, 6th 


Niruktasdstram : Bhagavaddatta (ed.), Amritsar, Sam. 2021. 
Nirukta ofYdska : V.K. Rajvade (ed.), Poona, 1940. 
Pdnimya-Sikrd (a Parisista in Madhya Sidhantakaumudi) : 

Vishvanatha Shastri (ed.), Banaras, 1956. 
Raghuvamsa of Kdliddsa : Haragobinda Mishra, (ed.) Varanasi, 


Rdjatarahginl of Kalhana : M.A. Stein, Varanasi, 1961. 
Sdhityadarpana of Visvandtha : Satyavrat Singh, (ed.) Varanasi, 

Samardhgana-Sutradhara of King Bhojadeva : T. Ganapati 

Sastri, Baroda, 1924. 
Samardhgana-Sutradhara of King Bhojadeva : D.N. Shukla, 

Delhi, 1965. 
Satapatha-Brdhmana : Julius Eggeling : (Trans.) Sacred Books 

of the East, 5 Vols. 12, 26, 41, 43, 44. 


Siddhantakaumudl Arthaprakdsika : Radha Raman Pandeya, 

Varanasi, 1966. 
Sisupalavadham of Magha : Haragovinda Shastri, Banaras, 

The Grhya-Sutras : H. Oldenberg (Trans.) Parts I and II, Vols. 

XXIX and XXX, Sacred Books of the East, 2nd Reprint, 

Delhi, 1967. 

The Siddhantakaumudl of Bhattoji-Dlksita : S. C. Vasu, Vara- 
nasi, 1962. 
The Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta : Madhusudan Kaul (ed.), 

Vol. XII; Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies No. 

LVIIL, Year, 1938. 

Vaikhanasa Grhyasutra : W. Caland, Calcutta, 1929. 
Vikramorvaslyam of Kalidasa : Ram Chandra Mishra; Varanasi, 

Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri : Jinavijaya, Shantiniketan, 

Yajnavalkya Smrti : J.R. Gharpure, Bombay, 1939. 

F. Journals 

Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. 

Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. 

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. 

Bharatiya Vidya, Bombay. 

Bharati, Journal of Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi. 

Calcutta Review. 

Cultural Forum, Ministry of Education, Government of India. 

Epigraphia Indica, Delhi. 

Indian Antiquary, Bombay. 

Indian Culture, Calcutta. 

Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta. 

Journal of Assam Research Society, Gauhati. 

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society, Bombay. 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. 

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna. 

Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum. 

Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Varanasi. 

Journal of Oriental Institute, Baroda. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 


Ireland, London. 

Journal of the U.P. Historical Society, Lucknow. 
Kalyana, Gita Press, Gorakhpur. 
Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India. 
Nagarl Pracarim Patrika (in Hindi), Varanasi. 
Praci-Jyoti, Kurukshetra University Journal, Kurukshetra. 
Puranam, Ramnagar Fort, Varanasi. 
Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, Hoshiarpur. 

G. Felicitation Volumes 

A Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies presented to F.W. 

A Volume of Studies in Indology presented to Professor P.V. 

Kane on his 61st birth-day, 1941. 
Aiyangar Commemoration Volume. 
B. C Law Volume; Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 

Poona, 1946. 

Mirashi (Dr.) Felicitation Volume. 
M.M. Chitrao Sastri Felicitation Volume (Review of Indological 

Research in last 75 years) : P.J. Chinmulgund and V.V. 

Mirashi (ed.), Poona, 1967. 

Professor Suryya Kumar Bhuyan Commemoration Volume . 
S.M. Katre, and P.K. Gode (ed.), Bombay, 1939. 
Sir Asutosh Memorial Volume, 1926-28. 

H. Hindi Works 

Agnihotri, Prabhudayal : Patanjali-kallna Bharata, Patna, 

Agrawala Vasudevasharan : Panini-kalina Bharatavarsa, Vara- 
nasi, 1969. 

Altekar, Ananta Sadasiva : Gupta-kallna Mudrain, Patna, 1954. 

Chatterji, Suniti Kumar : Bhdrata Mein Arya Aura Anarya 
(Information and Publication Bureau) Madhya Pradesh, 

Chitrava, Siddheshwara Sastri : Bharatavarsiya Prdcina Cari- 
trakosa, Poona, 1964. 

Gupta, Parameshwari Lai : Gupta Sdmrajya, Varanasi, 1970. 

Keith Arthur Beridale : Vedic Dharma Evam Darsana (Trans. 
Suryakant) Varanasi, 1963. 


Misra, Jwala Prasad : Jdti-Bhdskara, Bombay, Sam. 1983. 

Pandeya, Govinda Chandra : Baudha Dharma ke Vikdsa kd 
Itihdsa, Lucknow, 1963. 

Pandeya, Rajabali : Hindu Samskdras, Varanasi, 1964. 

Rai, Ganga Sagar : (Trans.) Kdvya-Mlmdmsd, Varanasi, 1964. 

Rai, Ram Kumar : Rdjatarahgirn Kosa, Varanasi, 1967. 

Roy, Udayanarayana : Prdcina Bhdrata Mein Nagara Tathd 
Nagarajivana, Allahabad, 1965. 

Upadhyaya, Baladeva : Sanskrit Sdhitya kd Itihdsa, Kashi> 

Upadhyaya, Bhagavatsharan : Guptakdla kd Sdnskriti kd 
Itihdsa, Lucknow, 1969. 

Upadhyaya, Vasudeva : Bharatiya Sikke, Prayaga, Sam. 2005. 

Vajapeyi, Raghvendra : Bdrhaspatya Rdjya-Vyavasthd, Vara- 
nasi, 1966 

Vibhu, Vidyabhushan : Abhidhdna-anusilana, Allahabad, 1958. 


List of Plates 

I. Allahabad stone pillar inscription of Samudragupta. 
II. Mathura stone pillar inscription of Chandragupta II, 

year 61. 

III. Junagarh rock inscription of Skandagupta, year 136. 
VI. Mehrauli iron pillar inscription of Chandra. 
V. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, I side. 
VI. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, II side. 
VII. Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta I . 
VIII. Tumain inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatota- 

kachagupta, year 116. 
IX. Supia pillar inscription of the time of Skandagupta, 

year 141. 

X. Mathura inscription of Kumaragupta, year 113. 
XI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, 

year 163. 

XII. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, 
year 163. 

XIII. Damodarpur copper inscription of Kumaragupta I, 
year 124. 

XIV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta 
I, year 124. 

XV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224. 
XVI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224. 
XVII. Nalanda seal of Vishnugupta. 
XVIII. Mandasor inscription of Malava Samvat 524. 
XIX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, I side. 
XX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, II side. 
XXI. Gunaighar copper-plate inscription of Vainyagupta, 
year 188. 







II. Mathura stone pillar inscription of Chandragupta II, Year 61, (A.S.I.) 


r JTT 

+- ^8 

JS , r ~ 


V. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, I side, (A.S.I.) 

VI. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, II side, (A.S.I.) 

XI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, year 163, (A.S.I.) 

XII. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, year 163, (A.S.I.) 

XIII. Damodarpur copper inscription of Kumaragupta I, year 124, (A.S.I.) 

XIV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta I, year 124, (A.S.I.) 

XV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224, (A.S.I ) 




*.* .** 


XVII. Nalanda seal of Vishnugupta, (A.S.I.) 

XVIII. Mandasor inscription of Malava Samvat 524, (A.S.I.) 

XIX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, I side, (A.S.I ) 

.-9r*=f.i>> 'J 

,' cjs ?/^a#n *tf*9*/f J g ^^ 1^' -^l 
IT a r j*> U s 1 '*<'* \ 


Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, II side, (A.S.I.) 


Abhidhana-CintamanJ, 153 
Adityavardhana, Mandasor Frag- 
mentary Inscription, 226 
Ahaspati, N. N., 6 
Aitareya Brahmana, 172 
Aiyangar, Krishnaswami, 238 
Allan, 260 
Altekar, 27 

Ghatotkacagupta, 27 

Visnugupta, 27 
Al-Beruni, 229 

Kartrpura, 229 
Amarakosa, 103, 123, 126, 152, 170, 


Abhm, 126 

Bahlika, 170 

Daman, 103 

Mlecchajatis, 152 

Rajaka-gana, 123 

Rajanayaka-gana, 123 

Vanga, 267 
Angavijja, 10 

Proper names, 10 
Apastamba, 6-8 

Grhya-sutra, 8 

Names, Girls, 8 

Quality of the name, 7 

Secret name, 6 
Arya-manjusrl-Mula-Kalpa, 152 

Companions of robbers, 152 
Asoka, 131 
Atadhyayl, 225 
Asvagho?a, 131 
Avaghoa's Buddhacarita, 215 

Gaya, 215 

ASvalayana, 7 
Abhivadaniya Name, 7 

Quality of the Name, 7 
A'svim, 9 
Atharvaveda, 137, 256 

Kasl, 256 

Kurus, 136-137 
Aupasanagni, 5 
Aurnavabha, 215 

Gaya, 215 

Avadataka see Complexion, fair 
Aya, 10 

Chadditaka, 10 

Kataraka, 10 

Kinnaka, 10 


Banerji, 216, 245, 258, 261 

Erandapalla, 245 

Khdd(ta) Para,215 

Kottura, 258 

Maha-khusapara, 216 

Vengi, 261 
Banerjee, R. C. 267 

Vanga, 267 
Banerji, R. D., 155-156 

Hunas, 155 

Pusyamitras, 155-156 
Barnett, 259 
Barua, K. L., 253 

Davaka, 253 
Basham, 123 
Baudhayana, 263 

Aryavartta, 263 
Bazin, Louis, 132 
Beal, Samuel, 141 



Kusthalapura, 229 
Bhandarkar, D .R., 135, 166, 167, 
253, 258 

Batihagadh Inscription, 135 
Davaka, 253 
Kurala, 258 
Sanakanlka, 166 
Vahlika, 167 

Bhanugupta, 17-18, 29, 52, 97 
Damodarpur Copper Plate Inscri- 
ption, 52 

Imperial Gupta, 29 
Partha, 97 

Viceroy in the Malwa, 29 
Yasodharman Mandasor Inscrip- 
tion, 17-18 

Bhattacharya, 126, 250 
Abhlrs, 126 
Miduvilala-kse'ra, 250 
Bhattasali, N. K., 155 
Budhagupta, 1 25-26 
Maharajadhiraja, 26 
Paramabhattaraka, 26 
Paramadaivata, 26 
Bilvada, 4 
Black, 10 
Kalaka, 10 
Kalika, 10 
Black, Light, 10 
Sama, 10 

Samaka-Samala, 10 
Samali, 10 
Brahmacarin, 9 
Brahmana see Sarman under Visnu 

Pur an a 

JBrhat Safnhita, 126-27, 128, 147, 152, 
170, 173, 238, 261, 266 
Abhlra, 126-127 
Arjunayanas, 127 
Mdlava, 147 
Mleccha, 149-52 
Samatata, 261 
Tumbavana, 238 
Uttar Kuru, 266 
Vahlika, 170 
Yaudheya, 173 
Budhagupta, Mother name, 314-15 

Candradavi, 314-315 
Buhler, 43, 218 

Lata, 218 

Prakri Gathas, 43 
Burn, Richard, 28 

Candra, Meharauli Pillar Inscrip- 
tion, 266, 309-13 

Vanga, 266 
Candragomin, 17 
Candragupta I, 17, 18-19, 21 

Licchavis, 18 

Licchavi-dauhitra, 19 

Licchavayah, 19 

Maharaja, 21 

Maharajadhiraja, 21 

Naga Princess Kuberanaga, 19 

Orthodox brahmanas, 19 

Political matter, 19 

Vratya Ksatriyas, 19 
Candragupta II, 17, 22-23 

Devaraja, 23 

Devasri, 23 

Vikramaditya, 22 

Udayagiri Cave Inscription, 166 
Cedlsa see Nama, Naktra 
Ceremony, Name-giving, 5-6 

Darbha grass, 5, 6 

Mantra, 6 

Naksatra, 6 

Prajapati, 6 

Tenth day, 5 

Tithi, 6 

Twelfth day, 5 
Charpentier, 142 
Chatterji, 104 
Chaudhuri, S. B., 145, 159, 267 

Madrakas, 143-46 

Saimhalaka, 159 

Vanga, 267 

Colesa see Nama, Nakstra 
Complexion, fair, 10 

Avadataka, 10 

Seta, 10 
, 10 



Conclusion, 106-117, 176-99, 305-6 
Cudamanl see Nama, Nakstra 
Cunningham, 154 


Daharaka see Names, Age 

Dandekar, R. N., 39 

Dandin, 126 

Darius I, Old Persion Inscriptions, 


Dasapura, 227 
Desavarman, Brahmana, 16 
Devlbhagavata, 255 

Kanci, 255 
Dey, N. L., 258 
Dharama'sastras, 16, 17 

Astronomer, 16 

Brahmagupta, 16 
Dhanmsee Gotra, Dkarana 
Dharmasindhu, 9 
Dikshit, K. N., 39, 245 

Erandapalla, 245 

Rudradeva, 39 
Dinna see Names, Friendly, 
Diskalkar, D. B., 157, 253 

Avamukta, 253 

Pusyamitras, 155-57 
Distinguishing Characteristics, 8 
Divekar, H. R., 155 
Dubreuil, N., 245, 258, 260 

Erandapalla, 245 

Kottura, 258 

Palakka, 260 

Edgerton, Franklin, 129 
Epic, 151, 234 

Mleccha, 151 

Nagara, 234 
Epics, 300 

Visnupada, 300 
Erandapalla, 245 

Fa-Hien, 139, 172 

Licchavis, 139 
Yaudheya, 172 
Fa-Hsien, 236 

Ayodhya, 236 

Fleet, 15, 133, 146, 149-50, 152-53, 
155-57, 227, 228, 245, 253, 258, 265, 

296. 297, 299, 316-17 

Dasapura, 221 

Davflka, 253 

Erandapalla, 245 

Hu.ia, 133 

Kakanadabota, 265 

Kartrpura, 228 

Kottura, 258 

Rural a, 258 

Ma lava, 146 

Mleccha, 149-50 

Murwdas, 152-54 

Names, Gupta Kings, 15 

Pusyamitras, 155, 157 

Sindhu, 296 

Urjayat, 299 

Vilasim, 297 

Gabai, Von, 132 
Gandaki see a(ga)ndaka 
Ghatotkaca, 20-21 

Bhlma-sena, 20 

Ganesa, 20 
Ghatodara 'Potbellied', 20 

Kumaragupta, Tumain Inscrip- 
tion, 20 

Raksasl Hidimba, 20 

Sanskrit Literature, 20 

Traditional Names, 20 
Gobhila, 5, 6, 7 

Abhivadanlya Name, 7 

Ceremony, Name-giving, 5 

Secret Name, 6 
Gokhale, 17 
Gotra, 16 

Dharana, 16, 17 
Goyal, 17, 19, 22, 136, 157 

Guptas, 17 



Kotas, 136 

Matrimonial alliances, 19 

$ahanusahi, 157 

$ahi t 158 

Samudragupta, 22 
Greenlandish, 3 
Grhya-Sutras, 5, 6, 7, 8 

Apastamba, 1 

A'svalayana, 1 

Gobhila, 5, 6 

Hiranyake'sin, 6, 1 

Khadira, 6 

Paraskara, 5 
Growse, F. S., 227 

Dasapura, 227 
Gunaighar grant, 250-51 

Gane'svara- Vilala-Puskarini, 250 

Miduvilala-ksetra, 250 

Pakkavilala-ksetra, 250 
Gupta Kings, 14-15, 16, 17-18, 241 

Damodarpur Copper Plate Ins- 
cription, 241 

Donga-grama, 241 

Inscriptions, Maharaja, 14-15 

VaiSya class, 16 
Gupta, D. K., 171 

Yaudhaya, 171 
Gupta, P. L., 23 

Govindagupta, 23 
Gupta, Samkshobha, 128 
Gupta, Y. R., 245 

Erandapalla 245 


Hanuman, 160 
Hemacandra, 216 

Kotivarsa, 216 
Hewitt, J. P., 141 
Hiranyakesin, 5, 6, 7 

Ceremony, Name-giving, 5 

Secret N ame, 6 

Quality of the Name, 7 
Hiuen Tsang, 26, 28, 134, 139,159, 

172, 255, 261 
Indian History, 134 
Kamarupa, 255 

Licchavis, 138-39 
Mahendraditya, 26 
Narasimhagupta, 134 
Puranas, 134 
Saimhalaka, 159 
Samatata, 261 
Vainyaguta, 27-28 
Yaudheya, 172 

Hoernle, 155, 156 

Hultzsch, 166 
Saka, 166 

Indraji, Bhagwan Lai, 227 
Indrapura, 227-28 
Inscription of Jivitagupta II, 14 
Inscription No. I, 230 
Inscription No. II, 231 

Jata see Names, Beauty 
Jayaswal, Aurel Stein, 133 
Jayaswal, K. P., 39, 122, 123, 136, 
141, 220, 265 

Airikina, 220 

Kakanadabota, 265 

Kharaparikas, 135-36 

Licchavis, 138-43 

Parliamentary System, 123 

Rudradeva, 39 

Sudra Republic, 122 
Jivitagupta II, Deo-Barnark Inscri- 
ption, 14 

Kaivartti-Sresthin, 262 
Kakusthavarman, 17 
Kalidasa, 134, 160, 267, 293 
Raghuvamsa, 134, 293 
Ganga, 293 
Lanka, 159-60 
Kalyayana, 15 
Kana see Names, defects 
Karna, 151 



Kd'sikd, 225, 231, 266 

Apara-Pdtaliputra, 231 

Pur or Pura, 225 

Purva-Pdtaliputra, 231 

Vanga, 266, 267 
Kathasaritsagara, 152 
Katyayana, 169 
Kautilya, 138, 267 

Arthasastra, 129, 169 

Kurus, 136-38 

Vahlika, 129, 
Kavyamimamsa, 22, 267 

Candraprakd'sa, 22 
Keith, 126, 142 

Abhira, 126-27 

Licchavis, 138-43 
Khadira, 6 

Khattada see Names, qualitative 
Khandaslsa see Names, defects 
Khafija see Names, defects 
Kharada see Names, qualitative 
Kharpara, M. P., 135 
Konow, Sten, 133, 153, 166 

Huna, 131-35 

Murundas, 152-54 

Saka, 161-66 
Koros, Csoma de, 236 

Ayodhya, 236-38 
Kosambi, 19 

Political marriages, 19 
Kujja see Names, defects 
Kumaragupta I, 23-24 

Indra, 24 

Mahdrdjddhirdja, 24 

Mahendrdditya, 24 
Kusumapura, 231 
Kuvika see Names, defects 

Laksmana see Nama, Nakstra 
Lambacudaka, 4 
Law, 260 

Pratyanta, 260 
Law, B. C., 141, 149, 169, 256 

Kd'si, 256-57 

Licchavis, 138-43 

Mdlava, 146-49 
Saimhalaka, 158-61 
Legend, 231 

Pdtaliputra, 231 
Lele, 249 

Kheta or Khetaka 
Levi, Sylvain, 128 
Arjundyanas, 127-28 
Kosala, 257-58 
Licchavis, 138-143 
Literature, Buddhist, 138, 140, 217, 
223, 232, 236, 257 
Ayodhya, 236-38 
Kasi, 256-57 
Daksindpatha, 223-24 
Krmitd, 217-28 
Kurus, 136-38 
Licchavis, 138-43 
Pataliputra, 230-33 
Literature, Jain, 124 
Literature, Vedic, 123 
Lokavigraha, Kanas Plate, 128 
Liiders, 166 
Saka, 161-66 


Maenchen-Helfen, Otto, 132 
Mahabharata, 48, 125, 143, 151, 165, 

167-68, 172, 215, 267 

Gayd, 214-15 

Harisena, 48 

Madraka, 143-46 

Mleccha, 149-52 

Saka, 161-66 

Vdhtika, 167-71 

Vanga, 266-67 

Yaudheya, 171-74 
Mahadevls see Names, Gupta 

Queens, 29 
Maharaja, 15 
Maharajadhirajas, 15 
Maity, 262 

Pancakulyavdpaka, 262 
Maldlasekera, 217 

Krmild, 217-18 

Mandasore Stone Inscription, 66 
Manjufrlmulakalpa, 230 



Pataliputra, 230-33 
Manu, 8-9, 126, 142, 164 
Manu, Smrti, 8 

Abhira, 125-27 

Brahmana, 9 

Ksatriya, 9 

Licchavis, 138-43 

Saka, 161-67 

Sarman, 9 

Vai'sya, 9 
Main Rulers, Gupta Kings, 19-27 

Budhagupta, 20, 25-26 

Candragupta I, 19, 21 

Candragupta II, 19, 22-23 

Ghatotkaca, 19, 20, 21 

Govindagupta, 19, 23 

Gupta, 19, 20 

Kumaragupta, I, II, III, 19, 20, 
23-25, 27 

Narasirhhagupta, 20, 26-27 

Purugupta, 20, 24-25 

Samudragupta, 19, 21-22 

Skandagupta, 20, 24 

Visnugupta, 27 
Majjhima see Names, Age 
Manavadharmasastra, 16 
Matrimonial alliances, 18 

Candragupta I, 18 

Foreign policy, 18 

Hinduism, 18 

Intercaste marriages, 18 
Anuloma type, 18 
Smrtis, 18 

KumaradevI, Licchavi-Princess, 18 

Political Considerations, 18 

Pratiloma marriage, 18 

Samudragupta, 18 
Coins, 22 
Three Varnas, 18 
Megasthenes, 231 

Pataliputra, 230-33 
Mercury, 26 
Mihirakula, Gwalior Inscription, 


Mitaksara, 9 
Mitra, R. L.,'215 

Gaya, 214-15 

Mookerjee, 21, 22, 25, 136, 153 
Candasena, 21 
Candragupta II, Mathura Inscrl 

ption, 22 

Candra 'moon', 21 
Gutpa territorry, 21 
Kaca, 22 

Kaumudl-Mahotsava, 21 
Kotas, 136 
Kumaragupta II, 25 
Licchavi alliance, 21 
Lokaksi, 21 
Murundas, 152-54 
Parakramah, 22 


Nama, Naksatra, 9 
Cedlsa, 9 
Colesa, 9 
Cudamani, 9 
Lakstr.ana, 9 
Namadheyakarana, 5 
Name, 3, 4, 7-8/16, 15,6 
Abhivadanlya, 1 
Christian or first, 3 
Common, 7 
Dynastic, 16 
Personal, 3, 4 
Popular, 15 
Qualitative, Name, 7-8 

God's Name, 8 

Grhy a- Sutras, 1 

Gupta, 7 

Krta Suffix, 7 

Sarman, 7 

Second name, 7 

Semi-vowel, 7 

Sonant, 7 

Syllables, 7 

Taddhita Suffix, 7 

Third name, 7 

Varman, 7 

Visarga, 7 
Secret, 6 

Names, 3, 10, 87-95, 96-102, 38-55, 
8, 14-31, 19-29, 29-30, 71-86, 



56-70, 47-52, 203-306, 15, 103-105 
Age, 10 

Balaka, 10 

Daharaka, 10 

Majjhima, 10 

Thaviva-Thera, 10 
Beauty, 10 

Jdta, 10 

Sudafasana, 10 

Sugata, 10 

Sumuhra, 10 

Suruva, 10 
Brahmanas; Jainas and Bauddhas, 

Names of Brahmanas, 87-91 

Names ending in Bhatta, 87 
Devabhatta, 87 
Kumar a (a) ravyabhatta, 87 
Visnupalitabhatta, 87 
Names ending in Datta, 88 
Amaradatta, 88 
Mahasenadatta, 88 
Parnadatta, 42 
Svamidatta, 42 f 
Names ending in Sarmman, 88 
Ndga'sarmman, 88 
Natha'sarmman, 88 
Siva'sarmman, 88 
Names ending in Svdmin, 88-89 
Gopadevasvdmin, 88 
Jaydbhattisvdmin, 88-89 
Miscellaneous, 89-91 

Amrtadeva, 89 

Deva, 89 

Devavisnu, 89 

Dudika,' 89-90 

Haritrdta, 91 

Karppatika, 91 

Trairidya, 91 

Jainas and Bauddhas, 91-95 
Abhayamitra 91 
Bhadra, 91 
Bhattibhava, 91-92 

Kumaragupta, Mathura 
Jaina Inscription, 92 

Bhattisoma, 92 
Datilacaryya, 92 

Go'sarmman, 92 


Jitasena, 93 

Kapila, 93 

Ku'sika, 93 

Madra, 93 

Pard'sara, 93-94 

Par'sva, 94 

Rudrasoma, 94 

Safnkara, 94 

Sanasiddha, 94 

Santideva, 94 

Somila, 94-95 

Udi(ta) Caryya, 95 

Upamitta, 95 
Names, Complexion, 10 

Black, 10 

Fair Complexion, 10 

Light Black, 10 
Names, defects, 10 

Kdna, 10 

Khandaslsa, 10 

Khanja, 10 

Kujja, 10 

Kuvika, 10 

Pillaka, 10 

Sabala, 10 

Vadabha, 10 

Vdmanaka, 10 
Names, Epic and Puranic, 96-102 

Bali, 96 

Lord Visnu 96 
Rgveda, Visnu Siikta, 96 

Buddha, 96-97 
Siddhartha, 96 

Kr?na, 97 

Part ha, 96 

Prthu, 97 

Rdghava, 97-98 

Sagara, 98 

Vydsa, 98 
Bddardyana, 98 
Dvaipayana, 98 

Yudhisthira, 98-99 
Names, Feudatory Kings and High 

Officers, 38-55 
Names, Feudatory Kings, 38-47 



Names based on Ganpati, 38 
Ga\\pati, 38 
Ganapatindga, 38 
Names based on Moon, 38 
Candravarmman, 38 
Sura'smicandra, 38-39 
Names based on Naga, 39 
Nagadatta, 39 
Nagasend, 39 
Names based on Siva, 39 
Rudradatta, 39 
Rudradeva, 39 
Ugrasena, 40 
Names based on Sun, 40 

Prabhakara, 40 
Names based on Visnu, 40-41 
Acyutanandin, 40-41 
Dhanyavisnu, 41 
Harivisnu, 41 
Indravisnu, 41 
Matrvisnu, 41 
Varunavisnu, 41 
Visriudasa, 41 
Visnugopa, 42 
Names ending in 'Giri', 42 

Mahendragiri, 42 
Names ending in Mitra, 42-43 

Pusyamitra, 42 

Names ending in Raj an (Raja), 

Devaraja, 43 
Goparaja, 43 
Mantardja, 43-44 
Nilaraja, 44 
Sarbhararaja, 44-45 
Vyaghraraja, 44-45 
Names ending in Varman, 45-46 
Balavarmman, 45 
Bandhuvarmman, 45 
Bhimavarmman, 45 
Hastivarmman, 45-46 
Visvavarmman, 46 
Names, One-Word, 46-47 
Acyutta, 46 
Chagalaga, 46 
Daman, 46 
Dhananjaya, 46-47 

Kubera, 47 

Madhava, 47 

Matila, 47 

Names, Ministers, 47-52 
Amrakarddava, 47 
H an sen a, 48 
Virasena, 48 

Names of Commanders, 48-49 
Dattabhata, 48 
Dhruvabhuti, 48 
Gopasvamin, 49 
Harisena, 49 
Tilabhattaka, 49 
Vayuraksita, 49 
Names of Governors, 49 
Brahmadatta, 49 
Cakrpalita, 49-50 
Ciratadatta, 50 
Jayadatta, 50 
Vijayasena, 50 

Names of Kumar amaty as, 50-51 
Kulavrddhi, 50 
Prthivisena, 50 
Revajjasvamin, 51 
Sikharasvamin, 51 
Vetravarman, 51 
Names of Ayuktakas, 51-52 
Acyutadasa, 51 

Bhamaha, 51 

Devabhattaraka, 51 
Sa(ga)ndaka, 52 
Sarvvanaga, 52 
Names, Friendly, 10 
>ma, 10 
Nanda, 10 
7Vad/, 10 
Nandaka, 10 
Nandika, 10 
Names, Generic, 3 
Girls, 8 

Da, 8 

Datta or raksita, 8 

Odd number of Syllables, 8 

Taddhita Suffix, 8 
Gupta Kings and Queens, 14-31 

Gupta Kings, 14 





Devaraja, 23 
Deva-Sir, 23 
Maharaja, 14 
Mahdrdjddhirdja, 22 
Paramabhdgavata, 22 
Other members of the dynasty, 

Gupta Queens, 29 

Anantadevi, 29, 30 

Candradevl, 29, 30-31 

Dattadevi, 29, 30 

Dhruvadevl, 29, 30 

Dhruvasvdmini, 29, 30 

Kumardevl, 29-30 

Mahadevis, 31 

Mitradevi, 29, 31 

Snva(tsd) devi, 29, 31 
Names, Householders and Traders, 


Householders, 71-82 
Names ending in Bhadra, 71 

Acyutabhadra, 71 

Ratibhadra, 71 
Names ending in Bhava, 71 

Kumar abhava, 71 

Rudrabhava, 71 
Names ending in Dasa, 71-72 

Kuladdsa, 72 

Mdtrddsa, 12 

Ndrdyanaddsa, 72 

Sarvvaddsa, 12 
Names ending in Datta, 72 

Bhavadatta, 72 

Jayadatta, 72 

Krsnadatta, 12 

Sifnhatta, 12 
Names ending in Deva, 73 

Bhadradeva, 73 

Dhanyadeva, 73 

Harideva, 73 

Ndgadeva, 73 

Naradeva, 73 

Samghadeva, 73 

Srideva, 73 
Names ending in Kunda, 73-74 

Kdmanakmda, 73-74 

Piccakunda, 74 

Pravarakunda, 74 

Sivakunda, 74 
Names ending in Mitra, 74 

Krsnamitra, 74 

Prabhamitra, 74 
Names ending in Ndga, 74 

Pdjyanaga, 74 

Virandga, 74 
Names ending in Ndtha, 75 

Bhavardtha, 75 

Srlndtha, 15 
Names ending in Palita and 

Raksita, 15 

Bhavaraksita, 15 

Sarppapdlita, 15 
Names ending in Sarmman, 75-77 

Ahi'sarmman, 15 

Guptasarmman, 15 

Hari'sarmman, 75-76 

Hima'sarmman, 76 

Kaivartta'sarmman, 16 

Kramasarmman, 16 

Laksmanu'sarmman, 16 

Maghasarmmcin, 16 

Rupa'sarmman, 16 

Rusta'sarmman, 16 

Sukkra'sarmman, 11 
Names ending in Siva, 11 

Apara'siva, 11 

Vasu'siva, 11 
Names ending in Svdmin, 77-78 

Aldtasvdmin, 11 

Battasvdmin, 11 

Brahmasvdmin, 77-78 

Jayasvdmin, 78 

Rdmasvdmin, 78 
Names ending in Visnu, 78-79 

Guhavisnu, 78 

Jayavisnu, 78 

Klrttivisnu, 78 

Kumdravisnu, 78 

Sarvvavisnu, 78 

Somavisnu, 78 

Yasovisnu, 78-79 
Names, One -word, 79-81 



Acyuta, 79 

Bhaskara, 79 

Bhava, 79 

Bhoyila, 79 

Bonda, 79 

Gopala, 79 

Guha, 79 

Hari, 79 

Kalaka, 79-80 

Kankuti, 80 

Lidhaka, 80 

Mahi, 80 

Nabhaka, 80 

Puramdara, 80 

Samkara, 80 

Undana, 80-81 

Vailinaka, 81 

Vampiyaka, 81 

F/iva, 81 
Miscellaneous, 81-82 

Adityabandhu, 81 

Damarudra, 81 

Isvaracandra, 81-82 

Kumarabhuti, 82 

Kumar ay as as, 82 

Mahasena, 82 

Nandadama, 82 

Prabhakirtti, 82 
Names, Vaniks (Traders), 82-83 

Acalavarman, 82 

Bandhumitra, 82 

Bhr(bhm)Kunthasimha, 82 

Kapila, 83 

Srlbhadra, 83 

Sthanudatta, 83 

S(haya(na)pala, 83 

Vasumitra, 83 

Names, Local Officers, 56-70 
Names of Kayasthas (Scribes) 58- 


Devadatta, 58 

Kfsnadasa, 58 

Laksmana, 58 

Naradatta, 58 

Prabhucandra, 59 

Rudradasa, 59 

(Vinayada)tta, 59 
Names of Kulikas (Artisans), 57 

Bhimz, 57 

Names of Mahattaras (Village- 
Head men), 63-65 

(Zte) FaArfm/, 63 

Deva'sarmman, 63 

Gopala, 63-64 

Gosthaka, 64 

Art/a, 64 

Khasaka, 64 

Ksemadatta, 64 

Pingala, 64 

.Ra/wa, 64 

Ramaka, 64 

Sivanandin, 64 

Somapala, 65 

Srlbhadra, 65 

Sunkaka, 65 

Varggapala, 65 

Visnubhadra, 65 
Names of Writers & Engravers, 


Dhruva'sarman, 66 

Gopasvamin, 66 

Harisena, 66 

Ravila, 66 

fribhadra, 66 

Stha(std)mbhe'svara-dasa, 66 

Tilabhattaka, 66-67 

Vatsabhatti, 67 
Miscellaneous, 67 
Jivanta, 67 
Mora TF/>a;, 67 
Samghila, 67 

SancI Inscription, 67 
Name of Prathama Kayasthas 

(chief Scriber), 57-58 

Sdmbapala, 57 

Skandapala, 58 

Viprapala, 58 
Names of Prathama Kulikas 

(chief Artisans), 57-58 

Names ending in datta, 57 
Durgadatta, 60 
Gopadatta, 59 



Ri'sidatta, 60 

Matidatta, 51 

Varadatta, 57 

Vibhudatta, 61 

Visnudatta, 61 

Names of the Prathama Pustapdlas 
(chief Record-keeper), 59-62 

Bhatanandin, 59 

Divakaranandin, 59 

Jayanandin 61, 

Nara(na)ndin, 60 

Sasinandin, 61 

Simhanandin, 61 

Sthanunandin, 61 

Vijayanandin, 61-62 
Names of Pustapalas (Record- 
keepers), 60-62 
Names ending in >#?# 

Arkkaddsa, 60 

Haridam, 60 

Patradasa, 60 

Ramadasa, 60 
Miscellaneous, 62 

Dhrtivisnn, 62 

Virocana, 62 

Yasoddma, 62 

Names of Sr is thins (Bankers), 

Ccha(cha)ndaka, 56 
Dhrtipala, 56 
Hari-'sresthin, 56 
Kaivartti-sresthin, 56 
Names of Vithi-Mahattaras (Vlthl- 
elders), 62-63 
Ganda, 62 
Harisimha, 62 
Jyesthadama, 62-63 
Kumdradeva, 63 
Prajdpati, 63 
Ramasarmcin, 63 
Svdmicandra, 63 
Umayasas, 63 
Names, Men, 10 
Ayandma, 10 
Gottar.dma, 10 
Kamma, 10 

Karana, 10 
^arfra, 10 

Names, Places, Rivers and Moun- 
tains, 203-304 
Names, Place, 203-208. 
Names, Place and their suffixes, 209- 

Place names ending in Rdstra, 

Ra&tra, 209 
Devardstra, 210 
Surdstra, 210-11 
Ancient Indian History, 210 
Prakrtis, 209 
Rgveda, 209 

Samardnganasutradhdra, 209 
Samhitds, 209 
Place-names ending in Bhukti, 

Place-names ending in Visaya, 


Gaya, 214-15 
Khad(ta)para, 215-16 
Krmila, 2 17 

Buddhist literature, 217 

Maldilaekera, 211 

Monghyr, District Gazetteer, 


I/a, 218-19 
Ldtarastra, 218 
Sanskrit 5;/r, 218 
Place-names ending in Mandala y 

Mandala, 219 
NdgiraUamcndala, 219 
Uttaramandala, 219 
Place-names with the Suffix 

Pradesa, 220-21 
Airikina, 220-21 
Erakana, 221 
Modern ra, 220 
Place-names ending in /)<?#, 221 
Z)e5a, 221 
Mleccha-de'sa, 221 
Skandagupta, Junagarh Rock 
Inscription, 221 
Jfl, 221 



Place-names ending in Rdjya, 221- 

Rajya, 221-22 
Airdvata-go-rdjya, 222 
Place-names ending in Vithi, 222 
Vithi, 222 

Daksindfn'saka-Vithi, 222 
Place-names with the Suffix Patha 

Patha (footpath), 222 
Adyapatha, 223 
Daksindpatha, 223 
Ndndghat Cave Inscription, 

Rudraddman, Jundgarh Rock 

Inscription, 223 

Place-names with the Suffix Pura, 

Pur or Pura, 224-25 
Ajapura, 225-26 
Candrdpura see Indrapura 
Da'sapura, 226-27 
Adityavardhana, Mandasor- 
Fragmentary Inscription, 

Imperial Guptas, 226 
Samudragupta, Allahabad 

Inscription, 228, 318-20 
Vedic Literature, 228 
Kartrpura, 228-29 
Kripura, 229 
Kusthalapura, 229-30 
Pataliputra, 230-33 

Fifth century B. C., 232 
Kusumapura, 230 
Puspapura, 231 
Puspapun, 231 
Putra, 231 
Pistapura, 233 

Capital of Kalinga, 233 
' Devarastra, Inscription, 233 

Gupta Period, 233 
Place-Names ending in the Suffix 
Nagara, 234-35 
Pancanagarl, 234-35 
Place-names ending in Nauyoga, 


Nauyoga, 235 
Cudamani, 235 
Nagarasri, 235 
Praddmdra, 235 

Place-names ending in Kataka, 235 
Place-names ending in Vasaka, 

Vasaka, 236-38 
Anandapurvasaka, 236 
Ayodhyd, 236 
Buddhist Period, 236-37 
Gupta Period, 237 
History of Ko'sala, 237 
Muslim Historians, 237 
Vinltd SYN Ayodhyd, 236 
I'svaravdsaka, 238 
Place-names ending in Vana, 238- 

Mahdkdntdra, 238 
Tumbavana, 238 
Vindydtavl, 239 

Place-names ending in Grdma, 

Grama, 239-40 
Gaon, 239 
Grdmani, 239 
Vedic Litrature, 239 
Villages, 239 

Bhadra Puskaraka grama, 240 
Chandagrdma, 240 
Citravatangara, 240 
Donga- grama, 240-41 
Bardhachatra, 241 
Gosdtapunjaka, 241-42 
Gulmagandhikd, 242 
Gimekdgrahdragrdma, 242 

Grdmdgrahdra, 242 
Jambudeva, 242 
Kakubha, 242-43 
Kdntedadaka grama, 243 
Nddadadaka grama, 243 

Lavangasikd, 243 
Purnnandga grama, 243 
Revatika grdma, 243 

Samgohalikagrdma, 243-44 



Sdtuvanc'sramaka, 244 
Vatodaka, 244 
Vdyigrdma, 244 

Place-names ending in Palll, 244-45 
Palli, 244-46. 
An eleventh century work, 


Kannada, 245 
Malayalam, 245 
Sanskrit, 245 
Tamil, 245 
Erandapalla, 245-46 
Place-names ending in Golidli, 246 
Gohall, 246 

Nitva-gohali, 246 
Srigohdll, 246 
Vata-gohali, 246 

Place-names ending in Par'svika, 

Pald'sdtta-Pdr'svika, 247 
Place-names ending in Pdtaka, 247 

Svacchandapdtaka, 247 
Place-names ending in Pottaka, 247 

Prsthima-Pottaka, 247 
Place-names ending in Vihdra, 248 

Lokottaravihdra, 248 
Place-names ending in Ksetra, 248- 

Ksetra, 248-49 
Buddhdka-ksetra, 249 
Kdldka-ksetra, 249-50 
Kh andaviduggurika- Ksetra, 


Joldn-ksetra, 250 
Mahipdla-ksetra, 250 
Manibhadra-ksetra, 250 
Miduvildla-ksetra, 250 
Nakhadddrccarika-ksetra, 251 
Ndgl-joddka-ksetra, 251 
Pakkavildla-ksetra, 251 
Rdja-Vihdra-ksetra, 251 


Suryya-ksetra, 252 
Vaidya-ksetra, 252 

Vis riu vardhaki-ksetra 
Yajnarata-ksetra, 252 
Place-names ending in Puskarini, 
Puskarini, 252 

Danda-Puskini, 252 
Dosl-bhoga-Puskarini, 252-53 


Place-names, One-word, 253-62 
Avamukta, 253 
Davdka, 253 
Kdmarupa, 253-54 
Vaidyadeva, Kamauli grant, 

A3/fci; 254-56 

Devlbhdgavata, 255 
Patanjali, 255 

Pulakesin, Aihole inscrip- 
tion, 255 
Purdria, 255 

Religious Significance, 255 
Kasl, 256-57 

Buddhist Literature, 257 
Skandapurdna, 256 
Vividhatirthakalpa, 256-57 
Kosala, 257-58 
Kottura, 258 
tfwrafo, 258-59 
Nepdla, 259 

Deopara Inscription, 259 
&z; / Sangama Tantra, 259 
Palakka, 259-60 

Pratyanta, 260 
Samatata, 260-61 

Baghura Incription, 261 
Brhtsamhita, 261 
K^/, 261 

Fe^i or Pedda-vegl, 261 
Names, Localities, 262-63 
Avadara, 262 
Himavacchikhara, 262 
Nastl, 262 

Paricakulyavdpaka, 262 
Bhanugupta, Damodarpur 
Copper Plate Inscription, 262 



Paraspatikd, 262 
Trivrta, 262-63 
Names, Tribal Place, 263-67 
Arydvartta, 263-65 
Aryan, 263 
Baudhdyana, 263 
Brdhmana, 264 
Epigraph ic records, 263 
Patanjali, Mahabhasya, 263 
Vasistha, 263 
Kdkar.ddabcta, 265 
Ancient name of Sand, 265 
Samudragupta, Allahabad 

Inscription, 265 
Uttara Kuru, 265-66 
Brhatsafnhita, 266 
Kurus, 266 
Safnkara, 265 
Vanga, 266 

Baud hidy ana DhaTma-Sutra, 


Candra, Meharull Pillar Ins- 
cription, 266 
Kasika, 266 
Pratijna- Yaugandhardyana, 


Names of the Rivers and the Moun- 
tains, 293-304 
The Rivers, 293-98, 321-23 
Ganga, 293-94 

Kdliddsa's Mahabhasya, 293 
Hacdta Ganga, 294 
Jambunadi, 294 
Kdlindl, 294 
Narmadd, 294-95 
Padmd, 295 

Devavisnu, 295 
Pald'sini, 295 
Stoa, 295-96 
Sindhu, 296 
Sudar'sana, 297 
Vdta-nadl, 297 
Vildsini, 297-98 
The Mountains, 298-300 
Kaild'sa, 298 

Mountain of the Jainas, 298 
Raivataka, 298 

Brhatsamhitd, 298 
Sumeru, 298-99 
Kdlikapurdfia, 299 
Matsya-Purana, 299 
Padmapurdna, 299 
Kdncanagiri, 299 
Karnikdcala, 299 
Meru, 299 
Ratnasdnu, 299 
Svargiri, 299 
Svargigiri, 299 
Urjayat, 299-300 

Vividhatirthakc Ipa, 3C 
Visnupada, 300 

Names, Tribes, Prologue, 121-24 
Tribal Names, 121-22 
Janapadas, 121 
Pdncdla, 121 
Vedic tribes, 121 
Other classes, 122-23 
Rajan or King, 123 
Kulkuras, 123 
Kurus, 123 
Licchavikas, 123 
Madraks, 123 
Mallakas, 123 
Pdncdlas, 123 
Vrjikas, 123 

Names, Women, 103-105 
Feminine names, 103 
Ddmasvdmim, 103 
Devaki, 103 
Harisvdminl, 103-104 
PadmdvatT, 104 
Rdml, 104 
Sdbhdti, 104 
Sdmddhyd, 104-105 
Updsikd, 104 

Nanda see Names, Friendly, 
Nandaka see Names, Friendly 
Nandi see Names, Friendly 
Nandika see Names, Friendly 
Narain, 129 
Narmadd, 294 

Narasimhagupta, 26-27, 314-15 
Mahdrdjddhitdja, 26 
Paramabhdgavata, 26 



Nauhatt, 3 

Nerur grant of Vijayaditya, 16 
Nibandha Period, 9-10 
Nominal Languages, 3 


Object words, 3-10 
Oldenberg, 137 
Oldham, 228 

Kartrpura, 228 
Other members of the Dynasty, 27- 


Bhdiugupta, 29 

Ghafotkacagupta, 27 

Vainyagupta, 27-29 

Pallaka, 260 
Pandey, H., 139 
Padma, 299 

Pandey, M. S., 154, 217, 218 
Krmild, 217-18 
Murundas, 152-54 
Pandey, Raj Bali, 229 

Kusthalapura, 229 
Pdriini, 9, 15, 47, 48, 122, 123 128, 
144, 173, 207, 234, 267 
Arjundyanas, 127-28 
Astadhydyi, 9, 122, 237 
Aupagava, 9 
Gdrgya, 9 
Madrakas, 143-46 
Matila, 47 
Nagara, 234 
Vanga, 267 
Virasena, 48 
Yaudheya, 173 
Paramabhagavata, 26 
Paramdrtha, 17 
Pdraskara, 5, 6, 7 
Pargiter, 172 

Yaudheya, 172 
Pataliputra, 232 

Patanjali, 10, 15, 43, 146, 167, 267 
Madrakas, 143-46 

Pusyamitra, 42-43 

Vdhlika, 167-71 

Vahga, 266-67 
Patanjali, Mahdbhdsya, 10, 125, 225, 

255, 257, 263, 293 

Ablra, 125-27 

Arydvartta, 263 

Gangd, 293 

Kamarupa, 255 

Kdsi, 257 
Pathak, V., 236 
Patronymic of Kautsa, 127 
Pelliot, 132 

Petersburg Dictionary, 28 
Pillaka see Names, defects 
Prabhavatigupta, Poona and Rith- 

pur Copper Plate Inscription, 16 
Prdclna Caritrakcsa, 20 
Prakash, Buddha, 143 

Madrakas, 143-46 

Mdlava, 146-49 

Sdhdnusdhi, 157-58 

Saka, 161-66 

Vdhlika, 167-71 

Yaudheya, 171-75 
Protected by Lord Siva see 

Przyluski, J., 144 
Ptolemy, 128, 154, 236, 294 
Pulakesin, Aihole Inscription, 255 

Kamarupa, 255 

Purdna, 125, 126, 135, 145, 160, 169, 
215, 216, 217, 232, 255, 267, 295, 

Agni, 215 

Bhdgavata, 215, 255, 267 


Kurma, 295 

Mdrkandeya, 125, 135 

Matsya, 135, 145, 299 

Siva, 169 

Skanda, 126, 160, 255 

Vdmana, 214, 255 

Vdyu, 126, 216 

Visrtu, 215, 145, 295 
Puranas, 21, 148, 156, 296 
Purugupta, 24-25 



Purusottama, 216 

Rajatarangim, 152 
Raiasekhara, 167, 224, 264 
Ramdyana, 215, 144-45, 167 
Ramdas, G., 229, 238, 245, 260 
Raychaudhuri, 17, 139 
Raychaudhuri, H. C,, 141, 169 
Republic, Licchavi, 139 
Republics, 122, 124 
Rgveda, 293, 296 
Rock Edict XIII, 121 
Rock Edict II, Asoka, 122 
Roy, U. N., 39, 48 
Rudraddman, Junagarh Rock Inscri- 
ption, 223, 295, 299 
Rudradeva, 30 

Sabala see Names, defects 
Samardnganasutradhdra, 209, 223, 

224, 249 
Saimgha, 112 

Samudragupta, 21-22, 49, 138 
Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 49, 

138, 318-20 

Dhruvabhuti, 48-49 
Candragupta II, Mathura Pillar 

Inscription, 21-22 
Safnvat, Jodhpur Inscription, 126 
Sanda see Names, qualitative 
Sankalia, 42 
Sankar, K. G., 245 
Sdnkhdyana, 5, 6, 7 
Santivarman, Talagund Stone 

Pillar Inscription, 16 
Sarira, 10 

Satapatha Brdhmana, 5, 151, 169 
Sathianathaier, R., 
Seda see complexion, fair 
Sedila see complexion, fair 
Sen, 216, 242, 260, 294 
Sewell, 103 
Shafer, 127, 138 

Sharma, Dashratha, 17, 220 228-29 
Airikina, 220 
Dharmasutras, 17 
Gotra, Dhdrana, 17 

Kartrpura 228-29 

Ksatriyas or Vai'syas, 17 

Skandapurdna, 17 
Sharan, M. K., 171, 173-75 
Shastri, Hiranand, 26-27, 28 
Siddhdnta-KaumudT, 152 
Sircar, 26, 149, 150, 235, 243, 259, 

Sircar, D. C., 39, 103, 125, 133, 155 

217, 222, 234, 240, 250, 295 265 

Abhira, 125-27 

Airavata-go-rayya, 222 

Bhadrapuskarakagrama, 240 

Devaki, 103 

ffuna, 131-35 

Kakanadabota, 265 

Krmila, 217 

Miduvi/ala-ksetra, 250 

Nagadatta, 39 

Padma, 295 

Pancanagan, 234 

Pusyamitras, 155-57 

Rudradeva, 39 
Skandagupta, 17, 131, 221, 

Bhitarl Stone Pillar Inscription, 

Junagarh Rock Inscription, 221, 


Mleccha- desa, 221 
Skandapurdna, 20, 256 
Smith, 153, 228, 229, 260 
Smith, Vincent, 154 
Smith, V. A., 15, 135, 141, 155, 253 

Qavaka, 253 

Kakas, 135 

Licchavis, 138-43 

Pusyamitras, 155-57 
Smrti Period, 8-9 

Manu, 8 
Smrti, Yajnav alky see Yajftavalky 

Somadeva, Kathasaritsagara, 220 



Pataliputra, 220 
Somayajin, 8 
Sn Gupta, 15-16 

Historicity, 15 
Prakrit, 16 
Sanskrit, 16 
Strabo, 163 

Saka, 163 

Surasmicandra, Maharaja, 294 
Suruva see Names, Beauty 
Sutikagni, 5 
Sutra Period, 5 

Abhivadanlya Name, 5 

Grhya-Siltras, 5 
Syamddhya see Samadhya 259 

Tantra, Saktisangama, 259 

Nepdla, 259 

Thakur, Upendra, 134, 135 
Thomas, 129, 130 

Toramana, Eran Boar Inscription, 

Jain Work, Kuvalaya mala, 133 
Tripathi, 20 

Turkestan, Chinese, 129 
Tribes, 125-75 
Abhira, 125 
Abiravan, 125 
Ptolemy, Geography, 125 
Second Century A. D., 125 
Third Century A. D., 125 
Arjunayanas, 127-28 

Fourth Century A. D., 128 
Hidimbdvadha, 128 
Atavika-raja, 128-29 
Daivaputra, 129-130 
Huna, 131-35 
Skandagupta, Bhltarl Stone 

Pillar Inscription, 131 
Tibetan Hor, 132 
Turks, 132 
Kakas, 135 

Kharaparikas, 135- 36 
Kotas, 136 
Coins of the Kotas, 136 

Samudragupta, Allahabad Pillar 

Inscription, 136 
Kurus, 136-38 
Brahmina Literature, 137 
Indo-Aryan ksatriya tribes, 136 
Kuru-Pancdlas Territory, 137 
Sdtapatha Brdhmana, 137 
7>A/-Briaratas, 137 
Uttarakurus, 136 
Licchavis, 138-43 
Madrakas, 143-46, 154 
Uttar Madras, 154 
Women, Madras, 146 
MaJava, 146-49 
Mdlava, Apara, 148 
Malwagana, 146 

Malwa, Modern, 149 
Malava, Sikhs, 147 
Mleccha, 149-52 
Aryan civilization, 149 
Bhltarl Pilior Inscription, 149 
M anu-5mr//, 151 
Medieval Inscription, 152 
Prakrit form of Speech, 150 
Sanskrit term, 150 
Murundas, 152-54 
Foreign Tribe, 154 
Samudragupta, Allahabad Pillar 

Inscription, 152 
Prarjunas, 154-55 
Pusyamitras, 155 

Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription, 


Sahanusahi, 157 
Sahi, 158 

Iranian Word, 158 
Saimhalaka, 158-61 
Ceylon, 158 
Island of Rubies, 161 
Lanka, 159 
Ratnadvipa, 161 
Sailan, 161 
Sanskrit texts, 160 
Simhala, 158 
Saka, 161-66 
Sanci, 162 
Western Satraps, 162 



Sankanika, 166-67 
Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 166 
Candragupta II, Udayagiricave 
Inscription, 166 

Satapatha Brahmana, 144 


Udayagiri, 166 

Udayagiri Cave Inscription, 14 

Uigur, 131 

Ancient Chinese, 131 
Upanayana, 9 

Vadabha see Names, defects 
Vahlika, 167-71 
Vajayanti, 153 
Vainyagupta, 27-29 

Dharmaditya, 2.9 

Gopa Candra, 29 

Mdhdrdjdhirdjd, 28 

Pdrdmdbhdgdvdtd, 28 

Sdmdcdrddevd, 29 
Vdmdnd, 22 

Vdmdndkd see Name, defects 
Vardhamihira, 134, 159 
Vasistha, 263 
Vatsydyana&l ', 125, 167 
Vayu, 126, 216 
Vayupurana, 172 
Vedic Period, 4 

Father's or grandfather's Name, 

Gotra, 4 

Literature, 4, 5 

Secret Name, 4, 5 

Secular Name, 4 
Vidyabhusana, S. C., 141 
Vikada see Names qualitative 
Vipina see Names, qualitative 
VisnuPurdna, 16 

Sarman, 16 

Visnuvardhana, Mandasor Inscrip- 
tion 293 
Visvandtha, Sdhityz Dzrpana, 126 

Vividhatirthakalpa, 236, 256 

Ayodhvd 236 

Kdsi, 256 
Vogel, 296 


Vrjikas, 123 
Vydhrti, 5 


Williams, Monier, 223, 229, 249 

Kheta, 249 

Kusthalapura, 229-30 

Patha (foot path), 222-23 
Wilson, 156, 263 

Arydvartta, 263-65 

Pusya mitras, 155-57 
Wilson, H.H., 236 

Ayodhyd, 236 
Woolner, A.C., 293 

Gangd, 293 


Xoiinoi, Ptolemy, 132 

Yddavaprakdsa, 216, 223, 267 
Ydjnavalkya Smrti, 9 
Ydska, 3, 4 

Ya'sodharman, Mandasor Inscrip- 
tion, 134, 293 
Yaudheyanam Jayamantradhara- 

nam, 173 
Yaudheya, 171-75 
Yuan-Chwang, 231 

Pdtaliputra, 231 

Zimmer, 137-38, 144, 169 
Kiirus, 136-38 
Madrakas, 143-46 
Vahlika, 169 





S bar ma, Tej Ram 

Personal and geographical 
names in the Gupta inscriptions